Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Bolivia". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:22 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:22 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Wed, 14 May 2008 13:35:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24360 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24360 The May 4 referendum in Bolivia's Santa Cruz region to approve an autonomy statute highlights the deep lack of consensus that permeates Bolivian politics and society. Under its terms, the statute establishes Santa Cruz as an “autonomous department” within Bolivia with many of the rights and privileges normally reserved for a national government. The referendum, denounced by President Evo Morales and his supporters as illegitimate and unconstitutional, in fact tracks closely with the overall course of Bolivian politics during the last five years, leading to a situation in which the exercise of political power and the rule of law are often at odds. If this tendency is not reversed, Bolivia’s already weak social, regional, ethnic, and political fabric will fray. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 14 May 2008 13:16:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24357 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24357 Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Amérique du Sud et Amérique centrale. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Tue, 18 Dec 2007 16:05:15 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21414 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21414 This book is about the conflicts, dialogues and negotiations underway in peri-urban areas of many cities in the South. It is about how people and communities without good access to water and sanitation services in these areas depend upon alternatives to conventional service delivery from utilities, and how these arrangements can be supported rather than hampered if we are creative. We see how stakeholders can sometimes be brought together to find better solutions to infrastructural development in peri-urban areas and how research can provide information, tools and approaches to facilitate these processes. SOURCE: IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre Thu, 25 Oct 2007 14:32:06 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=11491 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=11491 Bolivia's president took a big step towards nationalising his country's gas and oil industries yesterday, ordering troops to occupy gas fields and threatening to evict foreign companies unless they agreed to surrender ownership to the state. Evo Morales, Bolivia's first indigenous president who was elected last December after years of unrest, sent a dramatic signal of his intent to foreign oil giants operating in the country, including Britain's BG and BP. "The time has come, the awaited day, a historic day in which Bolivia retakes absolute control of our natural resources," Mr Morales said in a speech at a natural gas field operated by a Brazilian company. After he spoke, a soldier unfurled a Bolivian flag at the top of the installation. SOURCE: Guardian Guardian Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20806 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20806 Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, will complete a year in office on 22 January amid rising civil unrest. His government and its opponents are locked in confrontation over institutional reforms that would rewrite the constitution, end an inequitable land tenure system and return economic power to the state. Extremists are coming to the fore in both camps in a crisis that differs from previous ones because the stakes involve a proposal for a very different national model that the traditional elites see as a fundamental threat to their survival. Unless menacing rhetoric ends and dialogue, mediation and compromise begin immediately, widespread violence may result in 2007. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19970 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19970 Between 1978 and 1980, Bolivia was constantly in a state of crisis. The fragmentation of political forces made it impossible for any party to dominate. In the three elections held during this period, no party achieved a majority, and alliances of various groups could not break the deadlock. Social unrest increased as peasants began to agitate again on a large scale for the first time since their rebellion in the late colonial period. The Bolivian workers were more radical than ever, and in 1979, during the COB's first congress since 1970, they vehemently protested the economic austerity measures dictated by the IMF. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20055 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20055 The first-round victory of Evo Morales in the December 2005 presidential election profoundly altered Bolivia's politics and the way South America's poorest nation is seen abroad. His left-wing Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party rolled over the traditional parties in a landslide that reflected the expectations and desires of a majority of Bolivians for far-reaching socio-economic change, institutional reform and full inclusion of the mostly rural and indigenous poor. If Morales is to succeed, however - and he must if Bolivia is to avoid serious instability and violence - the international community will need to show understanding and offer support as he grapples with explosive issues of nationalisation, constitutional reform, autonomy, drugs and development policy. Morales immediately demonstrated he is following a drummer different from that of every Bolivian president of the past 25 years. He appointed representatives of social movements and left-wing intellectuals to key posts, nationalised the hydrocarbon sector on 1 May 2006 and arranged for the election of a constituent assembly and a referendum on regional autonomy on 2 July. In foreign policy, he closed ranks with Presidents Hugo Chxc3xa1vez of Venezuela and Fidel Castro of Cuba and distanced himse#lf somewhat from the U.S. While his assumption of power in January and first months in office have been surprisingly peaceful, there are strong indications the journey to the far-reaching reforms he and his constituents want will be difficult. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18868 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18868 As Democracy in Latin America points out, after a long period of oligarchic governments and military dictatorships that violently repressed popular demands and systematically violated human rights, almost all countries in the region today have legal mechanisms in place for public participation and political representation, as well as governments elected by popular vote. The same document also emphasises that these accomplishments are a great step forward towards peaceful political cohabitation among Latin Americans. However, twenty-five years after the start of the xe2x80x98transitions to democracy' in Latin America, there has been no end to the criticism of how these #political systems are developing, since they not act in ways that meet the high expectations they once raised. They have not been successful in solving the problems dogging the region and the new concerns raised by capitalist globalisation. This is particularly true in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru, countries that took their first steps towards democracy in the 1980s and now face a number of problems that are putting their accomplishments at risk. SOURCE: Elcano Royal Institute Elcano Royal Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18982 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18982 The countries/regions listed in this report are: a) important from an oil and/or natural gas perspective; and b) currently (or potentially in the short- to medium-term) confronting significant economic, political, or other issues that could affect domestic or world oil and gas markets. Click on the name listed below for a brief discussion/analysis of the main concerns regarding that particular country/region's energy industry. SOURCE: Energy Information Administration Energy Information Administration Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18983 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18983 After 32 failed attempts to reach consensus on water legislation and a deadly social conflict over water rights, IDRC-supported researchers in Bolivia have helped their country develop a water law that everyone could agree on. SOURCE: International Development Research Council International Development Research Council Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18652 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18652 This paper is a reflection on the conditions of poverty being experienced by Bolivian society, as well as on the factors that prevent progress from being made in solving this structural and historical problem. It also analyses the modest results achieved in this regard at a time when democracy is being consolidated and the state is being modernized, although still in an insufficient and much questioned manner. One of its most important conclusions is the lack of a state policy to cope integrally with poverty, as well as the absence of a social pact that asserts the legitimacy of the state in mounting its strategies. Even though poverty may be a necessary condition for stimulating a climate of violence, insecurity and conflict, it is no less true that other important factors must be taken into account, such as, for example, unresolved historical and socio-economic patterns, the quality of democratic governance and its effects on public opinion, as well as those external variables which a precarious, unintegrated, uncompetitive national economy with an enormous deficit in modern technology has difficulty in controlling. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization // Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales United Nations // United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization // Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18496 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18496 Three years ago, the Council on Foreign Relations launched a commission to examine U.S. policy in the Andean region and the Colombian conflict. The result, Andes 2020: A New Strategy for the Challenges of Colombia and the Region, outlined a comprehensive new regional policy designed to move toward a better balance of "guns versus butter." Unfortunately, violence continues to plague the region to this day, most recently in Bolivia, where the controversial actions of President Evo Morales and the organized opposition have increased polarization and the likelihood of sustained social unrest. This new Council Special Report, sponsored by the Council's Center for Preventive Action, addresses the ongoing social, political, and economic challenges underway in Bolivia and presents a clear set of recommendations for the U.S. government. Bolivia on the Brink, written by Eduardo A. Gamarra, professor and director, Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, argues that with ethnic, regional, and political tensions in Bolivia on the rise, Washington's current "wait and see" approach to the Morales government is no longer adequate. Instead, Gamarra encourages the U.S.government to redirect its policy toward Bolivia with an emphasis on preservation of democratic process and conflict prevention. In order to do so, the report recommends the use of more carrot than stick in the near term, encouraging Washington to continue to work to develop relations with both the Bolivian government and opposition. Gamarra argues that excluding Bolivia from critical U.S. benefits such as trade, military training, and development assistance would only push the Morales government closer to Cuba and Venezuela, feed anti-American sentiment in the region, and increase the likelihood of sociopolitical turmoil. Calling U.S. leverage too limited to unilaterally influence the direction of the Bolivian government, the report also urges Washington to work with regional states to persuade all Bolivian parties to work within the democratic system to address the nation's many challenges. The result is a valuable contribution to any consideration of U.S. policy in the region, one that merits attention from regional s#pecialists and foreign policy generalists alike. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18261 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18261 The evidence presented in this Survey bears out an argument that UNODC has been making in relation to the world drugs problem: the overall situation is stable, yet fragile. In 2005, slight decreases in coca cultivation in Bolivia and Peru were offset by an increase in Colombia. In 2006, the reverse occurred. While the regional trend was downward, this time a decrease in Colombia was offset by increases in Bolivia and Peru. Progress in Colombia can be attributed to record levels of eradication, both aerial and manual. Colombia also continues to seize an impressive amount of its own cocaine, to intercept imports of precursor chemicals, and to destroy drug labs. It is also facing up to the corrupting power of the drugs trade on government, and seeking to break the links between drug trafficking and insurgency. But as the experience of Bolivia and Peru demonstrate, a long term reduction of the world's supply of coca depends not only on effective law enforcement, but also on eradicating the poverty that makes farmers vulnerable to the temptation of growing lucrative illicit crops. All Andean countries require greater support for development assistance that can generate growth and create brighter prospects for communities at the beginning of the supply chain. They should also be encouraged to work more closely together to exchange intelligence on trafficking flows and carry out joint operations. The solution to the Andean coca problem does not rest solely in the region. Andean governments would not be grappling with a problem on this scale if there was no global demand for cocaine. This year alone, the Colombian authorities - at great risk and great expense - have eradicated more than 200,000 hectares of coca: an area twice the size of New York City! Yet they will have to do it again and again unless the world curbs its appetite for cocaine. Global demand for cocaine is steady, with a decline in the United States offset by a rise in Europe. In these affluent societies, where celebrities are often glamourized for their drug abuse, greater investment is needed in drug prevention and treatment. Meanwhile, countries of the Caribbean, Central America and West Africa are caught in the crossfire: their societies, already made vulnerable by poverty, are increasingly exposed to the crime of drug trafficking and the tragedy of drug abuse. In short, recent evidence suggests that the drug problem can be, and is being, contained. To consolidate this progress, it will take a concerted effort at every stage of the drug trade: more effective prevention and treatment to reduce demand; greater technical assistance and regional cooperation to stop trafficking; and comprehensive national drug control plans including law enforcement and social and economic development in order to reduce supply. Minor annual fluctuations in coca crop surveys are a useful indicator of trends. But the real test is the long-term commitment of societies - and not just governments - to tackle the root causes of drug supply and demand for the sake of a safer and healthier world. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 Countries rich in natural resources are often cursed by corruption, conflict, poor economic growth, low levels of child welfare and other problems. The report explores the reasons underlying the paradoxical link between mineral wealth and child poverty in countries such as Azerbaijan, Colombia, Nigeria, Sudan and Venezuela. Drawing from the experience of these countries and the success stories of Botswana and Norway, it focuses on positive, practical and achievable approaches that key actors can use to lift the 'resource curse' and improve the impact of the extractive industry on children and the rest of their societies. SOURCE: Save the Children Save the Children Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17976 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17976 This paper first looks at common causes of organised violent conflict in Latin America, paying particular attention to the role of inequality and the transition from discontent to violence. It also considers the potential costs of such conflict. It then examines the potential contribution of dialogue to conflict prevention and resolution. Dialogue is an approach that has recently been promoted widely in the region, primarily because its methodology offers the opportunity to address political inequality while at the same time dealing with other key issues. The final section uses this framework to examine the three cases of Argentina, Bolivia and Venezuela, providing analysis of the nature and causes of current conflicts, and of the impact of dialogue as a conflict resolution tool. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // Human Development Report Office United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // Human Development Report Office Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16499 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16499 Generally, truth commissions are bodies established to research and report on human rights abuses over a certain period of time in a particular country or in relation to a particular conflict. Truth commissions allow victims, their relatives and perpetrators to give evidence of human rights abuses, providing an official forum for their accounts. In most instances, truth commissions are also required by their mandate to provide r#ecommendations on steps to prevent a recurrence of such abuses. SOURCE: United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:06 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15181 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15181 SOURCE: HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14962 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14962 IDH is a secular, apolitical, non-profit Bolivian NGO that strives to improve the overall health of Bolivia's population through the promotion of: Social and preventative medicine; Gender equality; Human rights; Improved health education services; Cultural, socio-political, and economic research; Environmental protection. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14809 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14809 As South America's poorest country, Bolivia is especially dependent upon exporting its natural resources abroad. Over the last ten years, natural gas has become a particularly lucrative, as well as controversial, source of income. While free-market reforms implemented in the mid-1980s have allowed the country's economy to grow fairly steadily, they have failed to substantially reduce poverty in Bolivia. Dissolution with the privatization of natural gas among the Bolivian populace has turned violent on more than one occasion, sometimes even forcing government leaders out of office. The controversy over control of this resource is further complicated by the geographic and social divide in Bolivia. The country's natural gas fields are concentrated in the wealthier eastern provinces among businessmen with strong ties to the developed world. Bolivians of indigenous descent make up most of the 30 percent in Bolivia who live on less than one dollar per day. Such inequality has led to seemingly constant protests over control of Bolivia's natural gas. If the issue is not soon resolved peacefully, it threatens to drive the country into civil war. SOURCE: Inventory of Conflict and Environment Inventory of Conflict and Environment Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14461 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14461 The recent removal from office of President Lucio Gutierrez of Ecuador xe2x80x94 the third Ecuadorian president removed prematurely during the past eight years xe2x80x94 underscores the growing political instability of the Andean region. With Ecuador in a state of continuing crisis, Bolivia beset by chronic anarchy, and Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo's standing in polls hovering about ten percent, the entire region is in turmoil. The reason is cultural rather than economic: the Peruvian economy is doing fairly well, high oil prices have lifted Ecuador's economy, and Bolivia sits on the second largest natural gas# deposits in Latin America. It appears that Latin America as a whole is going through one of its periodic political shifts, with leftist regimes in power in Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay that are more or less hostile to free markets. That has happened before xe2x80x94 the last time during the 1970s, with catastrophic results. SOURCE: Foreign Policy Research Institute Foreign Policy Research Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14045 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14045 The recent crisis that forced the resignation of Bolivia's second president in less than two years stems from a much deeper problem that is plaguing the entire Latin American region: namely, what is best for the people and who decides? Bolivians have watched as their politicians courted Enron and other corrupt foreign corporations, and allowed them to take ownership of the country's most valuable resource - natural gas. As the world's energy giants were logging record profits, the people of Bolivia were becoming poorer, hungrier and more desperate. SOURCE: Foreign Policy in Focus Foreign Policy in Focus Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14046 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14046 Dispensing with three presidents in less than two years, Bolivia enjoys the dubious distinction of being the most politically unstable state in Latin America today. After popular protests in October 2003 forced President Gonzalo Sxc3xa1nchez de Lozada to flee the country, the ousted leader was replaced by then-Vice President Carlos Diego Mesa Gisbert. Initially enjoying an approval rating of over 70%, Mesa eventually agreed to step down in June 2005 in the face of street riots that he feared were leading the country to civil war. He was replaced by Supreme Court President Eduardo Rodrxc3xadguez Veltzé, after opposition groups rejected the first two officials in the constitutional line of succession, Senate President Hormando Vaca Dxc3xadez and House Speaker Mario Cossxc3xado. Bolivia is now out of wiggle room if caretaker President Rodrxc3xadguez, the last successor to the post designated in the constitution, fails to convene elections to pick a new president. SOURCE: Foreign Policy in Focus Foreign Policy in Focus Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13667 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13667 On December 18, 2005, Evo Morales won 54 percent of the vote in Bolivia's presidential election, outpacing his closest rival by twenty-five percentage points. For a number of reasons, the outcome of this closely-watched election was stunning. SOURCE: Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Postgraduate School Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Postgraduate School Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13015 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13015 The southern Andes, long known for social volatility and economic disarray, is on the verge of chaos. This need not be cause for fatalism, however. By reengaging with the region, Washington could help turn the political crises plaguing Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia into opportunities for change. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12807 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12807 In 2004, Congress considered a number of issues relating to the Andean region and drug trafficking. The Administration requested $731 million for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative for FY2005, and $114 million for economic assistance programs. Congress also changed the level of U.S. military and civilian contractor personnel allowed to be deployed in Colombia, in response to an Administration request. Congress continues to express concern with the volume of drugs readily available in the United States and elsewhere in the world. The three largest producers of cocaine are Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru, with 90% of the cocaine in the United States originating in, or passing through, Colombia. Regional security issues have also come into sharper focus after the attacks of September 11, 2001. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12195 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12195 Clashes between demonstrators and the security forces on the tragic days of February and October 2003 left more than a hundred dead and hundreds injured. This Amnesty International report highlights the flaws in the investigations begun by the national authorities. Amnesty International has noted the slow pace at which these investigations are progressing, the transfer to military courts of cases of civilians who lost their lives and the reported intention of prosecutors to close the files on the cases being investigated by civilian courts. SOURCE: Amnesty International Amnesty International Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=11337 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=11337 Bolivia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with an elected president and bicameral legislature; the country has separate executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, with an attorney general independent of all three. On October 17, 2003, protesters forced President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, who been elected in free and fair elections in August 2002, to resign from office. After a vote in Congress, Vice President Carlos Mesa Gisbert assumed office and restored order. Mesa appointed a non-political cabinet and promised to revise the Constitution through a constituent assembly. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary suffered from corruption, inefficiency, and political manipulation. The National Police has responsibility for internal security. The military is responsible for external security but also has domestic responsibilities. The Judicial Technical Police (PTJ) conduct investigations for common crimes (cases that do not involve narcotics); the police provide security for coca eradication work crews in the Chapare region; the Special Counternarcotics Force (FELCN), including the Mobile Rural Patrol Unit (UMOPAR), is dedicated to antinarcotics enforcement. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses. SOURCE: U.S. Department of State U.S. Department of State Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10442 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10442 Conflict history factsheet for Bolivia. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10474 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10474 Bolivia's defeat defeat by Paraguay in the Chaco War (1932-1935) marked a turning point for both Bolivia and the Bolivian people. This loss,coupled with a government perceived to be loyal only to the upper class, produced widespread dissatisfaction amongst the working class and farmers of Bolivia. A great loss of life and territory had discredited the traditional ruling classes, while service in the army produced stirrings of political awareness among the indigenous people. From the end of the Chaco War until the 1952 revolution, the emergence of contending ideologies and the demands of new groups dominated the Bolivian political landscape. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10475 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10475 Reformist officers, concerned about the decline in popular support for the military since the Barrientos regime, shifted their support to the more radical General Juan José Torres Gonzxc3xa1lez (1970-71), whom current president, Ovando, had dismissed as his commander in chief; the right backed General Rogelio Miranda. The chaos surrounding the overthrow of Ovando highlighted the division in the armed forces. Military officers demanded the resignation of Ovando and Miranda after a failed coup attempt by the latter on October 5, 1970. A triumvirate, formed on October 6, failed to consolidate support. On October 7, as the country moved toward civil war after the COB had declared a general strike, General Torres emerged as the compromise candidate and became president of Bolivia. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6125 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6125 Freedom House welcomes the vote by the United Nations General Assembly to elect Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina for the two open seats for Eastern European States in yesterday's election to the UN Human Rights Council. Belarus, the third candidate for the East Europe vacancies, was defeated in a tight race following a vigorous campaign by numerous human rights organizations and countries opposed to the candidacy of a country with one of the world's most abysmal human rights records. SOURCE: Freedom House Freedom House Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:39 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5563 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5563 In October 2004, EAAF went to La Paz, Bolivia, at the request of the Association of Families of the Disappeared and Martyrs for the National Liberation of Bolivia to assist with the forensic investigation of human remains that were found in a construction site. SOURCE: Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5381 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5381 The primary thrust of this monograph is to explain the linkage of contemporary criminal street gangs (that is, the gang phenomenon or third generation gangs) to insurgency in terms of the instability it wreaks upon government and the concomitant challenge to state sovereignty. Although there are differences between gangs and insurgents regarding motives and modes of operations, this linkage infers that gang phenomena are mutated forms of urban insurgency. In these terms, these "new" nonstate actors must eventually seize political power in order to guarantee the freedom of action and the commercial environment they want. The common denominator that clearly links the gang phenomenon to insurgency is that the third generation gangs' and insurgents' ultimate objective is to depose or control the governments of targeted countries. As a consequence, the "Duck Analogy" applies. Third generation gangs look like ducks, walk like ducks, and act like ducksxe2x80x94a peculiar breed, but ducks nevertheless! This monograph concludes with recommendations for the United States and other countries to focus security and assistance responses at the strategic level. The intent is to help leaders achieve strategic clarity and operate more effectively in the complex politically dominated, contemporary global security arena. SOURCE: Strategic Studies Institute // U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute // U.S. Army War College Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4389 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4389 Highland Indians are the majority indigenous people in Bolivia. They are primarily Quechua-speaking (30 percent of the total population) and Aymara-speaking (25 percent) Indians of the altiplano and high valleys. Most Aymara live in the department of La Paz; the Quechua live in Cochabamba, Oruro, Potosi, Chuquisaca, and Tarija. Other highland groups include the Uru located in the Lake Poopo region in the department of Oruro, the Chipaya of Oruro; and the Callahuaya, an Aymaran subgroup from northern La Paz. Within the Quechua Indian group, local groups exist, including the Tarabucos, the Chayantas, the Laimes, the Ucumaris, the Calchas, the Chaquies, the Yuras Lipes, and the Tirinas. While the government has generally taken the steps necessary to defuse violent protest, such means were rarely the first strategy pursued. More often, the government has attempted to dominate situations through direct force. Only after these methods have failed were less confrontational efforts attempted. Coca eradication is strongly supported by the US government (upon whose foreign aid Bolivia is heavily dependent); the government is unlikely to shift strategies in this area anytime soon. Thus, continued conflict around this issue is to be expected. Moreover, protest is such a well-established part of Bolivian public life that mobilization around other issues (e.g., economic opportunities, government services, land rights) is also likely to persist for# the foreseeable future. SOURCE: Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4390 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4390 Lowland indigenous people reside in three departments of the country's eastern lowlands: Santa Cruz, El Beni, and Pando. In recent years, the Bolivian government (supported by foreign aid programs) has actively pursued repatriation of Indian territories in the lowlands. Combined with government efforts to identify and eliminate debt peonage and other forms of servitude, it is be expected that the current administration should receive strong support from lowland indigenous groups. While protests for land rights, economic development and access to health care and education persist, these demands are not unique to the lowland areas. Hence, while some lowland Indians can be expected to continue coordinating mobilization with highland groups, their participation in violent or large-scale protest is not expected for the foreseeable future. SOURCE: Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4221 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=4221 SINCE THE MID-1990S, PRESIDENTS HAVE been removed from office or forced to resign in the central Andean countries of Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador. This evolution of leadership begs us to consider whether or not a pattern emerges from these cases, and whether these events are an indication of future trouble for the current practice of liberal democracy in all Latin America countries. In principle, democracy is still the best political system for the majority, but it will not survive in most of Latin America without a significant reorientation of economic policy and a concomitant change in U.S. policy. This does not advocate a return to the import substitution industrialization (ISI) strategy, which clearly outgrew its usefulness. Instead, Latin America now needs governments with strong popular support that actively manage their economies to promote export-oriented, job-producing growth. Moreover, Latin American governments will only attain these objectives if they come together to work for politically responsible governance of the global economy, focusing on the effective regulation of wages, working conditions, environmental impact, and capital movement. SOURCE: Brown University // Watson Institute Brown University // Watson Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3742 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3742 This study will address the central question of whether Fair Trade - and in particular Fair Trade coffee - has the potential to be used as a comprehensive tool for poverty reduction. More specifically, it will: xe2x80xa2 assess the impact of Fair Trade on small-scale coffee producers in Bolivia xe2x80xa2 analyse the impact of Fair Trade on producers not participating in Fair Trade xe2x80xa2 explore the Fair Trade-conflict nexus by hypothesising a potential positive impact of Fair Trade on conflict prevention. SOURCE: Swisspeace Swisspeace Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3393 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3393 SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations // Center for Preventive Action Council on Foreign Relations // Center for Preventive Action Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:08 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2481 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2481 Canada and the United States amend the NORAD agreement. The United States and Mexico sign a Social Security Totalization Agreement. Leonel Fernxc3xa1ndez is sworn in as President of the Dominican Republic. The OAS and Carter Center confirm that about 60 percent of those going to the polls voted to keep President Hugo Chxc3xa1vez in office. President Lula's opposition gains more ammunition for criticizing the government. The Colombian government offer of a "humanitarian" exchange with the FARC is a major policy shift. The Presidents of Peru and Bolivia sign a letter of intent to work jointly to facilitate the process of exporting natural gas. The Kirchner administration attempts to bring security to Argentina. The United States renews support for hemispheric anti-terrorism efforts. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2217 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2217 The Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee holds hearings on trade disputes in Ecuador and Peru. Thanks to booming exports, Brazil expects to grow 4.5 percent this year. Argentine Supreme Court declares the conversion of dollar-denominated bank deposits into pesos constitutional. Nicaraguan President Enrique Bolaxc3xb1os faces impeachment threat over campaign finance allegations. Vxc3xa1zquez wins first round of presidential elections in Uruguay. A Canadian submarine is rescued by the British Royal Navy off the coast of Scotland. Government officials in the Dominican Republic say there is still time to negotiate with the United States on sugar. Mexican President Vicente Fox visits Ottawa. The Governor General of Canada opens the new session of parliament on October 5, 2004. Proposals to change the Hydrocarbons Laws creates a political and economic firestorm in Bolivia. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2024 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=2024 Despite the centrality of state action to an understanding of state-society contentious interaction, disaggregated data on repression and accommodation is either poor or nonexistent. PIWAR investigates the causes and consequences of state tactics (repression and accommodation) and opposition activity in post-revolutionary states in four post-revolutionary states: Bolivia (1952-1964); Cuba (1959-1971); Iran (1979-1991); Nicaragua (1979-1991). SOURCE: College of Wooster College of Wooster Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1851 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1851 Bolivia remains in the midst of a deep political crisis, notwithstanding the election of Evo Morales on December 18 by an absolute majority of votes. The manifestations of this crisis have been readily apparent during the past three years, highlighted by the forced departure from office of two presidents, but its roots go back much further. The crisis is marked by a sharp decline in the prestige and authority of the state, the weakening of an already debilitated rule of law, the near collapse of traditional political parties, increased ethnic and regional tension and a clash between rival visions of Bolivia's future that differ fundamentally. Politics have become both fragmented and polarized. The era of government by broad coalition among historic political parties has come to an end, with prospects for the consolidation of an effective replacement in doubt. Political consensus is in short supply and representative democracy under strain. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1340 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1340 In 1998, the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) convened in New York. At that meeting, Members States pledged to work towards achieving significant reductions in illicit crop cultivation by the year 2008. To this end, UNODC established an Illicit Crop Monitoring Programme (ICMP) to assist countries assess their progress in meeting UNGASS targets. Through ICMP, UNODC supports the Governments of Bolivia, Colombia and Peru in the implementation of national coca monitoring systems. While these monitoring systems primarily focus on assessing the extend of coca cultivation, over the years they have gradually integrated other important aspects related to the production and trafficking of coca leaf and its derivates, such as prices or yields. This report presents the results of the surveys on coca cultivation in the Andean region in 2005, which were conducted jointly by the governments and UNODC. The regional overview in part one summarizes the three country surveys, and discusses their results in a regional context. Part two reviews environmental issues, which play an important role in the discussion on coca cultivation in recent years. The following parts present the detailed results from Bolivia, Colombia and Peru. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=989 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=989 Last October Bolivia experienced a social and political upheaval that forced the resignation of President Gonzalo Sxc3xa1nchez de Lozada and shook the capital, La Paz, to its very foundations. The headquarters of all the political parties supporting the government were burned to the ground; toll booths and other symbols of government authority were destroyed or disabled; even the Ministry of Sustainable Development--a magnificent Art Deco building that once housed the business offices of the Patino tin empire--was gutted. Although a measure of normality has been restored since then, there is no certainty that stability is here to stay. SOURCE: American Enterprise Institute American Enterprise Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1017 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=1017 The EU needs to engage more deeply and effectively in the increasingly unstable Andean region. With their significant experience in solving regional problems through a regional approach at home, Brussels and the member states should play a more substantial role in helping the Community of Andean Nations (CAN) achieve stability and deepen its integration. All five CAN states -- Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela -- face serious crises that taken together put the region's peace in question. Repeated calls by their leaders for increased security cooperation have not been matched by actions. The EU appears to believe it has little to offer in an area where U.S. presence is overwhelming; however, the EU and CAN should cooperate in ways that complement rather than compete with U.S. efforts. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=887 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=887 Coca cultivation is expanding in Bolivia and Peru, where weak states and a flawed U.S. drugs policy have produced social unrest and instability. Weak Andean governments are caught between a desire to please their international allies, and pressure from domestic social movements and populist opposition movements, which often represent farmers who rely on cultivation of coca crops -- legal and illegal. The way the war on drugs is pursued is not effective: lack of clarity about the size of permitted coca crops for traditional purposes and lack of viable economic alternatives for local farmers are the major obstacles to attempts to cut production. Efforts at forced eradication should not leave farmers without alternatives. U.S. drug control aid should shift emphasis from eradication to a comprehensive rural development policy. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=715 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=715 SOURCE: Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:43 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=289 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=289 The report addresses the urgent need for leaders to engage in an inclusive dialogue as President Morales and his Movement toward Socialism (MAS) party press for sweeping state reforms. The Constituent Assembly (CA) failed to produce a new constitution within its original one-year time frame and has become the central battleground between the government and opposition forces representing the eastern lowlands and the urban middle classes. Intransigence on both sides has widened the social divide in an already polarised country, increasing the risk of conflict. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:40:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=165 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=165 Bolivia is on the verge of national and social disintegration. Its elections on 18 December 2005 - for a president, Congress and department prefects - may be a final opportunity to start solving deep social and economic problems and profound ethnic divisions. The international community - especially the U.S. and key left-leaning governments in the region like Brazil - will need to show restraint, offer reasonable support and focus on areas of common interest. This is particularly so if the new government is led by the mercurial indigenous champion, Evo Morales, who may otherwise be tempted to join forces with Venezuela's populist president, Hugo Chxc3xa1vez, in a dangerous confrontation with the U.S. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group