Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Australia". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:23 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:23 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 09:08:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24376 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24376 The paper, authored by Raspal Khosa, argues that Australia’s security interests are tied to the success of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission. The paper advances three key recommendations on how to increase the effectiveness of Australia’s commitment at little additional cost. First, we must focus on security sector reform by training competent Afghan security forces. Second, we must improve reconstruction and development efforts through better coordination of civil and military resources. Third, we must engage with Pakistan more closely to contain cross-border insurgent activity. The paper argues that the only way to expedite our withdrawal and protect our interests is to work towards a sustainable, democratic and secure Afghanistan. SOURCE: Australian Strategic Policy Institute Australian Strategic Policy Institute Wed, 14 May 2008 13:36:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24361 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24361 Ce rapport contient de l'information sur la prévalence et le principal mode de transmission du VIH dans les pays de l'Océanie. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Thu, 01 May 2008 14:56:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24061 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24061 In the Westminster parliamentary tradition, a white paper is a detailed statement describing a new policy direction and providing arguments and evidence to support it. Such papers can be issued in any area of government, but they are especially important in defence, because it involves such longterm decisions, engaging critical national interests and committing huge sums of money, in circumstances of great uncertainty. Such decisions are inevitably based more on judgement than on hard data, and are often infused with murky, half-articulated hopes and fears. It is all too easy for momentous decisions to be made on flimsy grounds which would not withstand serious scrutiny. It is therefore especially important in defence for the Government to set out explicitly the evidence and arguments underpinning its defence policy. SOURCE: The Lowy Institute The Lowy Institute Wed, 30 Apr 2008 13:27:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24002 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24002 Towards the end of 1997, amidst the seemingly momentous changes occurring on the Korean peninsula, the Nautilus Institute published an essay by then Director of the Asia Institute at Monash University, Professor John McKay, and Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) official, Tim Dunk.[1] The essay, entitled "The role of medium sized powers in the normalization process on the Korean peninsula: An Australian perspective", convincingly argued that in the aftermath of the Cold War, a new opportunity had emerged for middle powers, such as Australia, to contribute to normalization on the Korean peninsula. However, a little over a decade later, after a period of substantially heightened security concerns on the peninsula as a result of the nuclear issue, middle powers largely remain either marginalized or, in the case of Australia, dutifully positioned in support of major power policies. This seems to support the realist hypothesis that middle powers are followers during periods of heightened security tension. SOURCE: Nautilus Institute Nautilus Institute Mon, 21 Apr 2008 13:54:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23773 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23773 As Kevin Rudd visits Washington and other world capitals on his first major international trip as Australian Prime Minister, media attention has fixated on his perceived snub to Japan, since his only Asian destination is Beijing. But India too is feeling a shiver of uncertainty about the new Australian government's priorities. Australia and India are logical strategic partners. Yet circumstances, especially the Cold War and nuclear differences, have long obstructed both countries need, though this will take sustained political will in both capitals. An unsteady start to the relationship under the Rudd government also suggests it is quite possible that expectations will be left unfulfilled. If so, the reasons will include uranium and China SOURCE: East-West Center // University of Hawaii East-West Center // University of Hawaii Fri, 28 Mar 2008 14:50:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23221 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23221 Over the past few years, an important focus of peace and conflict research as well as security studies has been on the relationship between large-scale violent conflict, the performance of states and global security. It has become conventional wisdom that poor state performance - generally referred to using terms such as ‘weak’ or ‘fragile’ states, ‘failing’, ‘failed’ or ‘collapsed’ states – and violent conflicts are closely related. State fragility is seen to engender violent conflict which in turn can lead to state failure or even collapse. Moreover, regions of state fragility are perceived as providing breeding grounds and safe havens for transnational terrorism, weapons proliferation and organized crime. Hence they pose severe threats to international security. As states have a dual role, namely providing security and order for their citizens (internal role) and serving as the building blocks of the international system (external role), state fragility not only affects the citizens of the state and society in question, but also neighbouring states and the international community at large. In other words, the issue of fragile states is seen as being at the core of a variety of today’s most pressing security problems. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Queensland Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Queensland Fri, 28 Mar 2008 14:50:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23220 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23220 Over the past few years, an important focus of peace and conflict research as well as security studies has been on the relationship between large-scale violent conflict, the performance of states and global security. It has become conventional wisdom that poor state performance - generally referred to using terms such as ‘weak’ or ‘fragile’ states, ‘failing’, ‘failed’ or ‘collapsed’ states – and violent conflicts are closely related. State fragility is seen to engender violent conflict which in turn can lead to state failure or even collapse. Moreover, regions of state fragility are perceived as providing breeding grounds and safe havens for transnational terrorism, weapons proliferation and organized crime. Hence they pose severe threats to international security. As states have a dual role, namely providing security and order for their citizens (internal role) and serving as the building blocks of the international system (external role), state fragility not only affects the citizens of the state and society in question, but also neighbouring states and the international community at large. In other words, the issue of fragile states is seen as being at the core of a variety of today’s most pressing security problems. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Queensland Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Queensland Wed, 20 Feb 2008 12:34:39 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22514 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22514 By the end of January, security problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan were leading to a potential crisis for NATO three months ahead of a major meeting of the alliance. At the same time, there were indications of a deterioration in the security situation in Iraq sufficient to suggest that this year’s planned withdrawal of the combat brigades added during last year’s ‘surge’, would not proceed as planned. SOURCE: Oxford Research Group Oxford Research Group Thu, 31 Jan 2008 12:19:08 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22123 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22123 The Rudd Government has inherited plans for a military build-up and a rising aid budget in Afghanistan. In December, the Defence Minister, Joel Fitzgibbon, assessed that ‘We are winning the battles and not the war...We have been very successful in clearing areas of the Taliban but it’s having no real strategic effect.’ In part, that’s because the ‘war’ is a state-building project. To have lasting effect, it must establish a functional government that can compete successfully for legitimacy and territory with its predecessor, the Taliban. Our alliance and counter-terrorism interests currently point in the same direction. We need a legitimate Afghan government that can lead the counter-insurgency campaign, a campaign whose success depends on external events and which stretches well into the future. With an ongoing insurgency, military assistance is necessary to control territory for the Kabul Government. However, governance is ultimately a civilian affair and sustainable success in Afghanistan requires different mixes of military and non-military tools across a country divided between west–north and east–south. In areas of active insurgency, we should hold the line through force and rapid reconstruction projects. Behind the line, we should work on governance, prioritising law and order. NATO has begun reviewing its aid and military strategies for the next 3–5 years. The following analysis offers a 15-year vision for Afghanistan and derives from it a medium-term strategy for assistance, leading to recommendations on Australia’s role. SOURCE: Australian Strategic Policy Institute Australian Strategic Policy Institute Tue, 15 Jan 2008 10:14:25 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21796 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21796 Some analysts have questioned whether U.S. security interests in the Asia Pacific region are best served by its existing framework of bilateral alliances. The region is now facing an array of changes: deepening trade links, the formation of new regional institutions, and increased attention to the threat of Islamic terrorism. Against this backdrop, China’s rise represents the key driver in the evolving security landscape in Asia. China is now attracting regional states with its economic power and is offering competing vision to the U.S.-centric “hub and spoke” system of alliances. In essence, China’s increasing economic, diplomatic, and military strength is compelling countries to rethink existing security arrangements and take initial steps that may lead to the formation of regional groupings of nations with common interests and values. At the same time, the Bush Administration has pursued stronger defense relations with Australia, Japan, and India. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Thu, 10 Jan 2008 17:01:30 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21736 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21736 Australia's strategic outlook remains challenging and dynamic. Since the last Defence Update, issued in December 2005, Australia has deployed military forces on a number of operations in the South Pacific and further afield. These have included sending Australian Defence Force (ADF) personnel to both Solomon Islands and to East Timor in May 2006 when rioting threatened stability in these close neighbours. As of mid-2007, significant Australian forces remain in both countries, working with police and military personnel from a number of countries. SOURCE: Department of Defence Australia Department of Defence Australia Tue, 08 Jan 2008 12:07:03 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21667 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21667 In July 2003, under Operation Helpem Fren, the 16 member states of the Pacific Islands Forum deployed troops, police and civilian advisors to Solomon Islands through the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). As of late-2007, there were are over 350 Australian police and military personnel serving in Solomon Islands as part of RAMSI, together with more than 150 civilian advisors. The military forces are tasked to provide security for police and civilian staff who make up RAMSI’s Participating Police Force (PPF) - over 220 police from the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and state police forces are part of the PPF, which also includes police contingents from around the region. Under Operation Anode, the ADF has deployed a military contingent to support the policing operation in Solomon Islands. ADF personnel are the largest contingent in a Combined Task Force serrving together with New Zealand, PNG, Fijian and Tongan troops. Australian civilian advisers make up the overwhelming majority of RAMSI staff working in various Government ministries and in RAMSI-supported projects. The numbers of Australian Defence Force (ADF) personnel deployed to Solomon Islands have varied over time - after an initial deployment of over 1,400 people in July 2003, the number of troops has wound down, and the military component has recently been supplemented by rotations of reserve troops from Australia and New Zealand. SOURCE: Nautilus Institute Nautilus Institute Fri, 23 Nov 2007 13:05:13 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21180 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21180 The aim of this essay is to assist researchers in finding legal information regarding asylum seekers and refugees in Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom. This comparative approach will allow researchers to see both differences and similarities in the different countries' approach to asylum seekers and refugees. The plight of asylum seekers and refugees in Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom is the subject of many laws, judgments and commentaries. SOURCE: GlobaLex // New York University GlobaLex // New York University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19265 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19265 We can never respond with equal attention to all of the injustices of this world, but sometimes unexamined, selective and uneven attention can be dangerous. Since the arrival of 43 asylum seekers from the Indonesian province of Papua in Australia in January, and especially after the Indonesian government reacted strongly to the decision to grant 42 of their number temporary protection visas, a major public debate has taken place about the Papua issue in Australia. Much of that debate has taken the form of a simplistic contest pitched in terms of realpolitik versus morality. On one side are those who say that the Australian state has a pre-eminent interest in maintaining good relations with Indonesia and that human rights considerations should be subordinated to this over-riding goal. On the other are those who say that human rights principles should guide Australia's response and that Australia should not "appease" Indonesia. In the process of this debate, there is much simplification, distortion and myth-making on both sides, not only about Papua, but also about Indonesia and Australia itself. SOURCE: Nautilus Institute Nautilus Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18695 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18695 CNAC's Center for Strategic Studies sponsored a day-long conference, "The United States Army in Asia: Legacies of the Past, Present Challenges, and Prospects for the Future," as part of the U.S. Army's Dwight D. Eisenhower National Security Series. The conference featured presentations by scholars, former military officials, and researchers from CNAC as well as The American Enterprise Institute, The Brookings Institution, The Congressional Research Service, The Heritage Foundation, The Hudson Institute, and The U.S. Army Military History Institute SOURCE: CNA Corporation CNA Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18316 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18316 Australia and New Zealand have small, relatively stable HIV epidemics. At the end of 2003, the adult HIV prevalence level in both Australia and New Zealand was 0.1%. In Australia, there were between 6,800 and 22,000 adults and children living with HIV at the end of 2003, while in New Zealand there were 480 to 2,800 people living with HIV. SOURCE: HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18319 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18319 SOURCE: Nautilus Institute Nautilus Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18098 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18098 The paper provides an overview of the development and implementation of Australia's comprehensive xe2x80x98border protection' policy, including the Pacific Solution and Operation Relex - the interdiction of asylum seekers. The intention of the paper is to demonstrate the lengths to which a developed state will go in addressing the interrelated problems of secondary movement, people smuggling and mixed flows. It also highlights the xe2x80x98export value' of the policy and its wider implications. SOURCE: Centre for Refugee Studies Centre for Refugee Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18118 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18118 Timor-Leste has made significant progress towards self-sufficiency in terms of administration and security, and has advanced in border delimitation talks, but the world's newest country has not been able to bring several people accused of serious anti-independence crimes to justice, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan says in a new report. SOURCE: UN News Centre UN News Centre Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17118 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17118 Le 15 aoxc3xbbt 2005, le Gouvernement indonésien et le Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (mouvement de libération d'Aceh) ont signé un mémorandum d'accord confirmant leur volonté de trouver une solution pacifique, globale et durable au conflit qui sévit dans la province de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Il est à espérer que l'application de cet accord permettra le rapatriement dans la sécurité et la dignité des habitants de la province qui vivent actuellement à l'étranger, et en particulier en Malaisie, oxc3xb9 quelque 20 000 d'entre eux sont recensés par l'UNHCR. L'Organisation se tient prxc3xaate à venir en aide à toutes les parties concernées, dans la limite de ses responsabilités et de ses compétences. Toujours en Indonésie, l'UNHCR a participé à l'intervention interorganisations menée dans la province de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam à la suite du tremblement de terre et du tsunami survenus dans l'océan Indien le 26 décembre 2004. Aprxc3xa8s s'xc3xaatre retiré d'Aceh à la fin de la phase d'urgence, enmars 2005, l'UNHCR est retourné dans la région en juin 2005, à l'invitation du Gouvernement indonésien. Ses efforts porteront principalement sur l'aide à la réhabilitation et à la reconstruction dans la province de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam et sur l'xc3xaele de Nias, au nord de Sumatra, oxc3xb9 une assistance immédiate a été fournie à quelque 20 000 personnes victimes du tremblement de terre du 28 mars 2005. SOURCE: L'Agence des Nations Unies Pour Les Refugies L'Agence des Nations Unies Pour Les Refugies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16936 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16936 The Aborigines of Australia arrived on the continent approximately 50 000 years ago. Their population has rebounded in the last 40 years after being declared a dying race. There is little reason to believe that the Aborigines of Australian will begin to employ militant tactics in the near future. The government continues to try to make amends for past wrongs, and the exposure provided by the Olympics should ensure that the process will continue. While the risk of militant activity is low, the possibility for continued protests is quite high. This is despite the fact that the Aborigines do not possess the normal risk factors associated with protest, such as government repression, political restrictions, or a new democracy. The openness of the Australian democratic system allows for the group to protest, and they have used the strategy throughout the past. There are still many issues outstanding and the Aboriginal community is suffering economically, and socially. While the Australian government has placed millions of dollars into programs to both improve the Aboriginal economic status, and to provide sensitivity training for the white population, there is still discrimination throughout the country. Until these problems are adequately addressed, protests are likely to continue. SOURCE: Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16790 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16790 The bombing in front of the Australian embassy in September 2004 shows the importance of looking beyond Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) to understand its extended family -- the splinters and offshoots of the 55-year-old Darul Islam (DI) movement. Virtually all jihadist groups in Indonesia have DI origins, including a small group from Banten, West Java, that worked with JI on the September bombing. This report examines the DI network and shows how its evolution helps explain the recruiting base, support network, and potential partners for jihadists in Indonesia. It also offers important clues as to how JI, itself a DI offshoot, will adapt to changing conditions. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16812 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16812 Jemaah Islamiyah ("Islamic community" in Arabic) is a militant group active in Southeast Asia and dedicated to establishing a Muslim fundamentalist state in the region. The group has been blamed for the Bali bombings in October 2002, the Marriott hotel bombing in Jakarta in August 2003, the bombing of the Australian Embassy in Jakarta in September 2004 and a series of bombings elsewhere in Indonesia and the Philippines. SOURCE: Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16631 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16631 Operation Anode is the name of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) contribution to the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI). RAMSI's assistance is known as Operation HELPEM FREN (Pidgin English for 'Helping Friend'). RAMSI's mission is to assist the Solomon Islands' Government in restoring law and order. The military component of RAMSI comprises of personnel from five troop contributing nations. They are; Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Papua New Guinea and Tonga. The main task for the military component is to provide security for RAMSI's multinational Participating Police Force. SOURCE: Government of Australia // Department of Defence Government of Australia // Department of Defence Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16632 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16632 Australia's contribution to the international coalition against terrorism is an important component of the Australian Government's commitment to working together with the international community to help prevent acts of terrorism around the world. SOURCE: Government of Australia // Department of Defence Government of Australia // Department of Defence Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16633 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16633 Operation Catalyst is the Australian Defence Force's (ADF's) contribution to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq. Operation Catalyst commenced on 16 July 2003 following on from Operation Falconer and Bastille. Working with the Iraqi Government, the ADF continues to contribute to Multinational Force efforts to develop a secure and stable environment in Iraq and assist national recovery programs. Operation Catalyst currently comprises approximately 1400 Australian Defence Force personnel. Brigadier Mick Moon commands all ADF units deployed in the Middle East Area of Operations. SOURCE: Government of Australia // Department of Defence Government of Australia // Department of Defence Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16634 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16634 The Australian Defence Force (ADF) has deployed troops to bring security, peace and confidence to the people of Timor Leste. The ADF is present at the invitation of the Government of Timor-Leste. SOURCE: Government of Australia // Department of Defence Government of Australia // Department of Defence Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16659 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16659 The proposition that Australia faces an 'arc of instability' to its north has been an important feature of the Australian strategic debate in the early twenty-first century. Prompted by worries in the late 1990s over Indonesia's future and East Timor's uncertain path to independence, the 'arc' metaphor also encapsulated growing Australian concerns about the political cohesiveness of Melanesian polities, including Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands. While tending to overlook the divergent experiences of countries within its expanding boundaries, the 'arc' fed from Australia's historical requirement for a secure archipelagic screen. As such it has became an important weapon in the debate over whether the locus of Australia's strategic priorities should be increasingly global in the 'war on terror' period or remain closer to home in the immediate region. The 'arc of instability' metaphor was consequently adopted by leading Australian Labor Party politicians to argue that the Howard Coalition government was neglecting South Pacific security challenges. It became less prominent following the Howard government's greater activism in the South Pacific, signalled by Australia's leadership of the East Timor intervention in 2003. But its prominence returned in 2006 with the unrest in both Honiara and Dili. In overall terms, the 'arc of instability' discussion has helped direct Australian strategic and political attention to the immediate neighbourhood. But it has not provided specific policy guidance on what should be done to address the instabilities it includes. SOURCE: Australian Journal of International Affairs Australian Journal of International Affairs Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13625 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13625 The Report provides an independent and thorough analysis of the matters related to Ms Rau's immigration detention. Mr Palmer finds that mistakes were made. The Government acknowledges these mistakes and accepts that changes need to be made within the Department. Mr Palmer has identified systemic weaknesses in DIMIA which contributed to the length of Ms Rau's detention, the failure to establish her identity and meet her mental health needs. SOURCE: Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs // Australian Government Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs // Australian Government Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12996 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12996 Successive Australian Governments have adopted the mistaken belief that political stability across the Indonesian archipelago - which they believe is bedeviled by inherent centrifugal forces - can be secured through military repression. Precisely the opposite is true. Military repression is a cause of political fragmentation and secession in Indonesia SOURCE: Nautilus Institute Nautilus Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12750 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12750 Prime minister John Howard has headed the federal administration in Australia since March 1996, assembling a coalition encompassing his Liberal Party (LP) and the National Party (NP). Immigration and security were the key issues in the 2001 parliamentary ballot, held eight weeks after the 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington. SOURCE: Angus Reid Consultants Angus Reid Consultants Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12169 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12169 SOURCE: Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10392 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10392 SOURCE: Australian Human Rights Centre Australian Human Rights Centre Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10455 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10455 Australia is a regional leader in the fight against trafficking in persons, and is committed to preventing trafficking in persons, prosecuting perpetrators, and protecting victims of trafficking. Australia is a destination country for a small but indeterminate number of women trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation, and people smuggling. Australia is an attractive destination country for immigrants, both legal and illegal throughout East Asia and the Pacific. The majority of illegal immigrants coming into Australia usually enter Australia on their own passports with tourist visas or come with falsified papers. SOURCE: HumanTrafficking.org HumanTrafficking.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10043 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10043 In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime. This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts. SOURCE: Government Accountability Office Government Accountability Office Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9434 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9434 Since September 2001, the United States has been concerned with radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore that are known to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future Al Qaeda operations. For nearly fifteen years, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:36 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9063 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9063 The xe2x80x98transformation' of military forces into modern and effective tools for providing security in a changing world is a key concern for states and international organizations. Some xe2x80x98middle powers', with limited resources but willing to play a role in contributing to security, are adapting their forces to face new and challenging threats and the demands of closer cooperation within alliances and coalitions. This paper provides an overview of the policies designed and implemented by three mid-sized countries as relevant examples of the ongoing global debate about adjusting national armed forces' strategies and capabilities to the current international security environment. These case studies are interesting examples of how national political will and decision making remain the key driving forces behind any such mod#ernisation process. SOURCE: Elcano Royal Institute Elcano Royal Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8789 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8789 In March 2005, members of the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) Working Group on Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) issued a questionnaire to states parties regarding ERW and International Humanitarian Law (IHL). This memorandum contains an analysis by Human Rights Watch of the responses provided by states parties to the questionnaire. Human Rights Watch believes that the responses to date lead to the conclusion that national implementation measures, especially with regard to cluster munitions and the submunitions they dispense, are not adequate, and that additional measures are required to ensure adequate protections for civilian populations. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8486 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8486 In 2006, Nautilus Institute partnered with Australia 21 to convene the 2006 Global Scenarios Workshop. The 2006 Global Scenarios Workshop in Melbourne, Australia brought together participants from Australia, the United States, South Korea, Indonesia, Japan, and Canada to examine perceptions of insecurity. In few fields is the gap between perception and reality as large as it is in security matters. This gap matters because democratic governments respond to the concerns of their constituents. The gap also affects international relations and alliance management. Threat perceptions in the Asia-Pacific region are shifting rapidly at elite and popular levels, albeit in different ways within each country. It is important that security scholars and policymakers share their understandings to realign these perceptions of security threats with reality. SOURCE: Nautilus Institute // Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology // Australia 21 Nautilus Institute // Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology // Australia 21 Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8325 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8325 Based on a number of surveys examining the jurisprudence of a total of sixteen nations - Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Africa, Spain, Ukraine, UK, and USA - this report examines the issue of impunity of companies regarding economic activities linked to human rights abuses and armed conflict. The report aims to provide clarity as to the existing laws, norms and mechanisms governing economic actors in a war zone linked to a repressive dictatorship. It also examines what concrete liabilities are created when a company is involved in international crime and under which jurisdictions they fall. SOURCE: Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8077 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8077 This paper examines racism, xenophobia, discrimination, intolerance and the abuse of power in policing, based upon a critical analysis of theoretical and empirical research on selected police forces in England, South Africa, Australia and the United States. It sets out a framework, founded upon international legal instruments relating to anti-discrimination policy and the governance of policing, for protecting fundamental human rights, including safety, liberty and freedom from unlawful intrusion by the state. The paper reviews the research on the control of abusive policing through structural and cultural change; explores innovations in personnel management and training; and recommends the introduction of robust mechanisms to achieve democratic accountability. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Research Institute for Social Development United Nations // United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:09 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=7854 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=7854 Besides imposing smart sanctions, travel advisories to ensure that tourist industry is affected, periodic verbal and economic threats and lobbying international agencies to cut their links with Fiji, both Australia and New Zealand think that by these methods a small country like Fiji could be squeezed into submission. They are mistaken. SOURCE: South Asia Analysis Group South Asia Analysis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=7540 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=7540 Interdiction policies by countries such as the U.S. and Australia are embedded in these states' perception of their obligations to asylum seekers as strictly territorially bound. With the aim of limiting asylum seekers access to protection mechanisms, these policies are carried out in an arena firmly within the reach of executive-driven actions yet beyond the purview of constitutional or judicial safeguards. In the case of the U.S., the long-standing Haitian interdiction policy illustrates the manipulation of this protection gap, and, in Australia, the administration's reaction to the Tampa incident in 2001 and the subsequent policy developments provide further illustration. The autonomy with which states carry out such policies poses a significant threat to the refugee protection regime, especially the international norm of non-refoulement. SOURCE: Centre for Refugee Studies Centre for Refugee Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6058 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6058 SOURCE: HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6024 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=6024 Australia has passed legislation making organised people smuggling a criminal offence, carrying maximum penalties of 20 years imprisonment and/or fines of up to $220,000. In Australia there is no specific law against trafficking in persons. The criminal provisions aiming to capture "trafficking" activities are the Slavery and Sexual Servitude provisions under the Commonwealth Criminal Code. These provisions were enacted only recently, in 1999, and to date there have been no prosecutions under this legislation. Consequently, official police statistics on the number of persons trafficked to Australia do not exist. The number of trafficked persons is, however, thought to be small. It is generally accepted that human trafficking is not a significant problem in Australia. This view is supported by findings of the U.S. Department of State in its recent global report into trafficking in persons. The report attempted to encompass all countries which have a significant number (defined as "in the hundreds") of trafficking victims. Australia was not a listed country in this report. SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:40 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5611 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5611 The size and scope of the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq has dwindled since the height of the invasion in 2003. Britain, the largest member of the coalition after the United States, recently announced plans to withdraw 1,600 troops from Iraq in the months ahead and to shift their combat role to support and training. U.S. and British officials say this partial withdrawal is a positive sign because security is improving in parts of the south, where coalition forces are primarily stationed, and where Iraqi forces are increasingly "stepping up." The shrinking of the coalition coincides with a surge of U.S. forces deployed to Anbar and Baghdad provinces but may complicate efforts to eventually redeploy from Iraq. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5275 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=5275 The British Foreign and Commonwealth Office has recently begun talking about the challenge of xe2x80x98climate security', and former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has said that "Global climate change must take its place alongside the threats of conflict, poverty and the proliferation of deadly weapons that have traditionally monopolized first-order political attention". Climate change poses clears risks to Australia's interests in trade, aid and political stability in Asia. This not inconsiderable risk poses some complex challenges to Australian foreign policy. GECHS SSC member Jon Barnett has recently published a policy note exploring the risks climate change poses to security in Asia and the options for Australian foreign policy. SOURCE: Global Environmental Change and Human Security // University of Melbourne Global Environmental Change and Human Security // University of Melbourne Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3890 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3890 Throughout late 2001 and 2002, the Australian Government, seeking re-election, campaigned on a tough line against so-called "illegal" immigrants. Represented as "queue jumpers," "boat people," and "illegals," most of these asylum seekers came from Middle Eastern countries, and, in the main, from Afghanistan and Iraq. This paper explores the way particular representations of cultural difference were entwined in media and government attacks upon asylum seekers. In particular, it analyzes the way key government figures articulated a negative understanding of asylum seekers' family units - representing these as "foreign" or "other" to contemporary Australian standards of decency and parental responsibility. This representational regime also drew upon post-September 11 representations of Middle Eastern people, and was employed to call into question the validity of asylum-seekers' claims for refugee status. Manufactured primarily through the now notorious "children overboard" incident, these images became a central motif of the 2001 election campaign. This paper concludes by examining the way these representations of refugees as "undeserving" were paralleled by new Temporary Protection Visa regulations in Australia. SOURCE: Centre for Refugee Studies Centre for Refugee Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3927 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3927 Trafficking in human beings is large-scale and growing. It is a human rights abuse as well as a crime crossing international, national and regional jurisdictions. Trafficking is used for a wide variety of purposes, such as domestic, agricultural or sweatshop labour, marriage and prostitution. Australia is a destination country for victims of trafficking, and evidence suggests the majority are women trafficked into debt-bonded prostitution. Recent years have seen many changes in international and national responses to, and legislation on, trafficking in persons. In this paper the authors review some of the theoretical approaches to trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation, as well as examine the current legislative, policy and service responses. They aim to provide an overview of recent developments and navigate the varied and often opposing modes of analysis surrounding the issue. Overall, this paper will serve as an informative resource for services, policy makers and researchers on the subject of trafficking in women for sexual exploitation in Australia. SOURCE: Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault // Australian Institute of Family Studies Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault // Australian Institute of Family Studies Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:41:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3613 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=3613 The Kokoda Foundation has been established as an independent, not-for-profit think tank to research, and foster innovative thinking on, Australia's future security challenges. The Foundation's Priorities: To conduct quality research on security issues commissioned by public and private sector organisations; To foster innovative thinking on Australia's future security challenges; To publish quality papers ( The Kokoda Papers ) on issues relevant to Australia's security challenges; To develop Security Challenges as the leading refereed #journal in the field; To encourage and, where appropriate, mentor a new generation of advanced strategic thinkers; and Encourage research contributions by current and retired senior officials, business people and others with relevant expertise. SOURCE: