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<title>Human Security Gateway: Southeast Asia</title>
<link><![CDATA[http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/browse.php?By=REGION&Selection=156]]></link>
<description>Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Southeast Asia".</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:24 +0000</pubDate>
<lastBuildDate>Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:24 +0000</lastBuildDate>
<webMaster>robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel)</webMaster>


   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 16 May 2008 12:22:21 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Burma/Myanmar: &quot;Facing Up to Our Responsibilities&quot;</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24401</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24401</guid>
		 <description>If the intransigence of the Burmese generals continues, it is a very real issue whether in the name of humanity some international action should be taken against their will – like military air drops, or supplies being landed from ships offshore – to get aid to the huge numbers who desperately need it right now, in the inaccessible coastal area in particular. French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner opened up a hornet's nest when he argued last Thursday, as others are now doing,  that this is a proper case for coercive intervention under the &quot;responsibility to protect&quot; principle unanimously endorsed by 150 heads of state and government at the 2005 UN World Summit. His proposal that the Security Council pass a resolution which &quot;authorizes the delivery and imposes this on the Burmese government&quot; met with immediate rejection not only from China and Russia, who are always sensitive about external intervention into internal affairs, but  from many other quarters as well. 	   SOURCE: International Crisis Group // The Guardian</description>
	 <source>International Crisis Group // The Guardian</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 16 May 2008 11:14:01 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Peace Without Justice? The Helsinki Peace Process In Aceh</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24395</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24395</guid>
		 <description>The peace process in Aceh has been lauded as a great success, both internationally and within Indonesia. And so it is. Coming in the wake of the cataclysmic Indian Ocean tsunami of December 2004, the mediators and the conflict parties pulled off what many observers had previously considered to be a virtual impossibility: a sustained end to armed hostilities. In just over six months, former President Ahtisaari of Finland succeeded in convincing the two sides to agree to a comprehensive peace settlement, the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), signed in August 2005. At the heart of the agreement was acceptance by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), of expanded autonomy for Aceh within Indonesia. For its part, theGovernment of Indonesia (GoI) made concessions on matters including the formation of local political parties and security arrangements in Aceh. In short order, an Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) sponsored by the European Union (EU), with support from ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), deployed to Aceh, former GAM fighters disarmed, their weapons were destroyed, and government troop levels in the territory were reduced. 	   SOURCE: Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue</description>
	 <source>Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 14:42:05 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Update Report on Myanmar Number 4 (14 May 2008)</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24365</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24365</guid>
		 <description>The Council has been discussing, both at the experts level and in informal consultations, the humanitarian situation in Myanmar since Cyclone Nargis struck the country on 2 May 2008. France has been pushing for Council action but, at the time of writing, it was unclear if France would put a draft resolution on the table.  It seems that a text is being consulted with various members of the Council and that it may appeal to member states to offer emergency aid and assistance and urge the government of Myanmar to establish a coordinating mechanism to assist and facilitate in the delivery of aid. 	   SOURCE: Security Council Report</description>
	 <source>Security Council Report</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 13:36:54 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>The Humanitarian Crisis in Burma Post Cyclone Nargis</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24362</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24362</guid>
		 <description>Speakers: Chris Beyrer, M.D.
Department of Epidemiology
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health


Patrick Marcham
Director, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief
National Security Council (NSC)


Ky Luu
Director
Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA)


Moderated by:
Derek Mitchell
Senior Fellow and Director for Asia
CSIS International Security program 	   SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies</description>
	 <source>Center for Strategic and International Studies</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 13:04:09 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Le point sur l’épidémie de sida - Résumés par région - Asie</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24355</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24355</guid>
		 <description>Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Chine, Inde, et Asie du Sud et du Sud-Est, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: Double péril - sexospécifité et risque de VIH parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables; Comprendre les nouvelles estimations du VIH en Inde, et Surprise dans le Sud. 	   SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA</description>
	 <source>Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 11:00:46 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>A Campaign of Brutality: Report and Analysis of Burma Army Offensive Against the People of Northern Karen State, Eastern Burma, February 2006-February 2007 [Updated April 2008]</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24334</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24334</guid>
		 <description>This report outlines one offensive conducted by the Burma Army against the Karen people in northern Karen State, eastern Burma. It also provides an insight into other means by which the dictators attempt to control and exploit the population in the ethnic areas and provides an analysis of Burma Army strategy and tactics and how the ethnic resistance counters these. It describes the situation of the internally displaced people (IDPs) and makes recommendations for action. Finally, it tells the story of a people living on the edge of survival who have not given up and need help. The slow but unrelenting attacks and building of new camps seem to be driven by a plan to dominate,chase out or crush any people in these areas. This was the largest offensive in Karen State since 1997. It began in earnest in February 2006, with troops from over fifty battalions attacking through the rainy season, and the construction of 7 new main camps and 26 smaller support camps. The Burma Army is now planning the construction of two new roads that, when completed, will cut the northern Karen State into quarters. 	   SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers</description>
	 <source>Free Burma Rangers</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 10:22:14 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>The Philippines: Counter-insurgency vs. Counter-terrorism in Mindanao</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24331</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24331</guid>
		 <description>U.S.-backed security operations in the southern Philippines are making progress but are also confusing counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency with dangerous implications for conflict in the region. The “Mindanao Model” – using classic counter-insurgency techniques to achieve counter-terror goals – has been directed against the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and has helped force its fighters out of their traditional stronghold on Basilan. But it runs the risk of pushing them into the arms of the broader insurgencies in Mindanao, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). The U.S. and the Philippines need to revive mechanisms to keep these conflicts apart and refocus energies on peace processes with these groups. That imperative has become particularly acute since the Malaysian government announced with­drawal, beginning on 10 May, from the International Monitoring Team (IMT) that has helped keep a lid on conflict since 2004. If renewed attention to a peace agreement is not forth­coming by the time the IMT mandate ends in August, hostilities could quickly resume. 	   SOURCE: International Crisis Group</description>
	 <source>International Crisis Group</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 12 May 2008 11:05:02 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>As Thousands Suffer the Effects of Cyclone Nargis, Villagers Suffer Continued Brutality by the Burma Army in Karen State</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24283</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24283</guid>
		 <description>While survivors of the deadly cyclone in the Irrawaddy Delta and coastal regions of Burma struggle for survival, and the international community struggles through the obstruction and mismanagement of the SPDC to assist them, villagers in many areas of Karen State continue to be the target of the Junta's brutal policy of terror and oppression. The Burma Army has launched numerous attacks against villagers and IDP populations throughout northern Karen State. Hundreds have been displaced, villages and homes have been burned down and villagers killed as the Burma Army has stepped up its efforts to terrorize villagers into hiding in Toungoo District. Hundreds have also fled in Nyaunglebin and Papun Districts as the Burma Army mortars villages, captures and kills villagers, and continues to expand its network of military camps into the farms and villages of the local Karen people. 	   SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers</description>
	 <source>Free Burma Rangers</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 09 May 2008 11:50:14 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Burma's Firewall Fighters</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24278</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24278</guid>
		 <description>When Burmese troops opened fire on unarmed demonstrators here last September, marking the violent culmination of weeks of pro-democracy protests, the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) had 30 undercover reporters on the streets. Despite the military government’s strict coverage bans, the journalists used the Internet to transmit news reports and images to DVB, which disseminated the information globally. The reporting, some of which was rebroadcast by major international media outlets such as CNN and Al-Jazeera, provided the world with disturbing and iconic images of the unrest, which came to be known as the Saffron Revolution. Burmese authorities, seeing these uncensored pictures leak through their tightly controlled borders, shut down the Internet altogether at the height of their brutal crackdown, which resulted in the detentions of nearly 3,000 people and the deaths of at least 31 others. 	   SOURCE: Committee to Protect Journalists</description>
	 <source>Committee to Protect Journalists</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 08 May 2008 16:55:20 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Étude de cas de tribunaux hybrides - Le processus relatif aux crimes graves au Timor-Leste en rétrospective</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24261</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24261</guid>
		 <description>Ce document cherche à analyser le processus relatif aux crimes graves (Chambres spéciales et Groupe des graves crimes) établi par l’ONU au Timor-Leste pour le jugement des graves violations commises en 1999. Le mécanisme mis en place a achevé sa mission en mai 2005. Ce document présente une analyse générale de ses suites. Il fait partie d’une série destinée à documenter et analyser les questions pratiques et de politique auxquelles les tribunaux hybrides se trouvent confrontés. Il couvre ainsi :
· un bref historique du conflit et de la nature des atrocités commises au Timor-Leste
· le contexte de l’établissement des Chambres spéciales et du Groupe des crimes
graves
· l’analyse des Chambres spéciales
· l’analyse du Groupe des crimes graves
· la juridiction et le cadre juridique
· les capacités de la défense et les questions d’équité
· les questions d’efficacité et de financement
· la portée et les perceptions du public
· la propriété nationale et le soutien politique
· le rapport avec la Commission Réception, Vérité et Réconciliation
· les questions de legs
· la stratégie d’accomplissement et l’avenir du processus relatif aux crimes graves
Cette étude de cas vise à apporter une information générale, encore peu disponible à certains égards, sur ces différents points dans le but de guider les décideurs politiques et autres intéressés dans l’établissement et la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes comparables. Des études de cas similaires ont été réalisées sur le Kosovo et la Sierra Leone. 	   SOURCE: Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle</description>
	 <source>Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 08 May 2008 16:22:03 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Birmanie / Myanmar : cyclone, what cyclone ?</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24255</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24255</guid>
		 <description>Alors même que la ville méridionale chinoise de Shenzen servait de cadre à une reprise du “dialogue” entre des représentants du gouvernement de la République Populaire de Chine et des émissaires de sa Sainteté le Dalaï Lama, icône du peuple tibétain, que le Président chinois Hu Jintao mettait en ordre ses dossiers bilatéraux avant de s’envoler (mardi 6 mai) pour un déplacement « historique » dans l’archipel nippon, un puissant cyclone se dirigeait depuis la baie du Bengale vers le sud-ouest de la Birmanie. Ses rafales de vent destructrices (jusqu’à 240 km/h) frappèrent samedi et dimanche de larges pans du territoire, semant du delta de l’Irrawaddy à la capitale commerciale Yangon, chaos, drame et désolation. Alors que le bilan des disparus demeure provisoire, les victimes du cyclone Nargis se compteraient déjà par dizaines de milliers : au bas mot 15 000 morts et 30 000 disparus ; bien davantage, selon le propos de divers observateurs (cf. ministre thaïlandais des Affaires étrangères), redoutant que cet état des lieux ne s’alourdisse considérablement dès lors que l’accès à diverses zones jusqu’alors impénétrables deviendra possible. Une tragédie nationale comme le pays n’en a pas connu. La pire qu’ait souffert l’Asie depuis le tsunami de décembre 2004 (180 000 morts). 	   SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques</description>
	 <source>Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 08 May 2008 15:14:10 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Myanmar in Crisis</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24252</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24252</guid>
		 <description>A cyclone in Myanmar last weekend has so far left tens of thousands dead and missing and many more homeless, exposing the vulnerabilities of a repressed population under an isolationist military regime. Even while the government sought international aid, its resistance to allowing entry to Western agencies has resulted in a delay in relief efforts (BBC). Daily estimates of the death toll have mounted, with a U.S. diplomat saying the number of fatalities could rise up to 100,000 (WashPost). 	   SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations</description>
	 <source>Council on Foreign Relations</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2008 12:17:29 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Terrorism and Human Rights in the Philippines:</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24211</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24211</guid>
		 <description>The Armed Forced of the Philippines (AFP) and armed groups have been fighting for decades on the territory of the Philippines. Those armed groups include a variety of movements: the so-called “leftist” groups advocating for national democracy and economic and social rights (the New People’s Army – NPA, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines); secessionist groups calling for the independence of Mindanao – the Southern island of the country (the Moro National Liberation Front – MNLF, and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front – MILF); and groups with unclear  objective which appeared more recently (Abu Sayyaf, Jemaah Islamiyah, Rajah Solaiman Movement). Some of these groups are considered as terrorist organizations. Tensions between armed groups and the Philippine government are not a new phenomenon; but the international context in the aftermath of September 9/11 combined with the close relation between the USA and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) has encouraged the latter to take additional measures to fight against terrorism. 	   SOURCE: International Fact-finding Mission // the Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates // the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims</description>
	 <source>International Fact-finding Mission // the Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates // the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2008 11:15:50 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Perspectives de l'environnement de l'OCDE à l'horizon 2030 - Synthèse</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24195</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24195</guid>
		 <description>• Comment le développement économique et social influencera-t-il l’évolution de l’environnement à l’horizon 2030 ? Quelles politiques seront nécessaires afin de répondre aux principaux défis environnementaux ? Comment les pays membres et les pays non membres de l’OCDE peuvent-ils unir leurs efforts pour relever ces défis ?
• Les Perspectives de l’environnement de l’OCDE à l’horizon 2030 présentent des analyses des tendances économiques et environnementales jusqu’en 2030, ainsi que des simulations de politiques visant à faire face aux principaux problèmes. Sans nouvelles politiques, nous risquons de causer des dommages irréversibles à l’environnement et à la base des ressources naturelles nécessaires pour soutenir la croissance économique et le bien-être de tous. L’inaction des pouvoirs publics a un coût élevé.
• Mais les Perspectives montrent que relever les principaux défis environnementaux d’aujourd’hui – y compris le changement climatique, l’appauvrissement de la biodiversité, le manque d’eau et les impacts de la pollution sur la santé – n’est pas impossible ni inabordable. Elles mettent en
lumière un ensemble de politiques qui pourraient permettre de relever ces défis d’une manière économique. Le champ d’observation des Perspectives a été élargi par rapport à l’édition 2001, afin de tenir compte des évolutions concernant aussi bien les pays de l’OCDE que le Brésil, la Russie, l’Inde, l’Indonésie, la Chine et l’Afrique du Sud (BRIICS), et d’examiner comment ils pourraient mieux coopérer pour résoudre les problèmes d’environnement au niveau mondial et local. 	   SOURCE: Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques</description>
	 <source>Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2008 10:16:19 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>The Rocky Road to Burma's Salvation Goes Through Beijing</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24184</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24184</guid>
		 <description>During a visit to Burma a few years ago, I decided to avoid the country's legendarily deadly airlines and instead hire a car to take me along the somewhat less deadly roads. Distances that on the map looked like they should take an hour to cover took entire days. The criminal extent of the country's neglect was already obvious in Rangoon, where I saw a mother sitting with a large crowd on a downtown sidewalk, despondently holding in her arms a baby so malnourished that I'm sure it died not long after I gave her a small amount of money, probably more than she had ever held in her hand at one time, and definitely more than the country's malignant military government spends on any of its desperate citizens in an entire year. 	   SOURCE: World Politics Review</description>
	 <source>World Politics Review</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2008 09:15:43 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Birmanie/Myanmar: incertitude et contradiction de la communauté internationale</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24175</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24175</guid>
		 <description>Entre le 19 et le 27 août 2007, une première manifestation est orga nisée à
Rangoon par deux mouvements d’opposition birmans : la Ligue Nationale
pour la Démocratie (LND), le principal parti d’opposition dont la secrétaire
générale est Mme Aung San Suu Kyi (Prix Nobel de la Paix en 1991 et assignée
à résidence depuis 2003) et le mouvement Génération 88, groupe informe
d’anciens étudiants ayant participé au grand soulèvement de l’été 1988 dont la
répression brutale a fait quelque trois mille morts. 	   SOURCE: Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval</description>
	 <source>Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 05 May 2008 13:34:26 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Burma's Referendum in 2008: Dangerous Status Quo or Criticak Breakthrough?</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24124</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24124</guid>
		 <description>The Burmese people are being asked to vote on a new constitution on May 10, 2008 - 15 years after the drafting process began and 18 years after the ruling military junta, the States Peace and Development Council (SPDC), refused to honor the election results of 1990 and crushed subsequent democratic protests. The upcoming May referendum represents a rare opportunity for the Burmese people to express their opinions on the proposed constitution as well as the junta's preferred seven-point roadmap, a protracted path to &quot;guided democracy&quot;. 	   SOURCE: East-West Center // University of Hawaii</description>
	 <source>East-West Center // University of Hawaii</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2008 12:34:28 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Vote to Nowhere: The May 2008 Constitutional Referendum in Burma</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24092</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24092</guid>
		 <description>On May 10, 2008, the Burmese military government will hold a referendum on a draft constitution that it claims will usher in a new era of “discipline-flourishing genuine multiparty democracy.” However, the generals’ referendum, reflecting 46 years of brutal military rule, will not bring the people of Burma any closer to a democratic and rights-respecting government they so desperately seek, and for which they have courageously struggled. Instead, the draft constitution that the generals are demanding the Burmese people approve is designed to perpetuate military control in Burma, and obstruct any steps toward a meaningful multiparty democracy that upholds human rights. 	   SOURCE: Human Rights Watch</description>
	 <source>Human Rights Watch</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2008 11:02:25 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>A framework for strengthening access to justice in Indonesia</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24078</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24078</guid>
		 <description>Consolidating current Government of Indonesia policy on access to justice into a clear and coherent National Strategy with a concrete action plan will (i) build stronger justice institutions; (ii) reduce poverty and empower communities to take control of their own lives; and in turn, (iii) enhance national security. A National Strategy on Access to Justice will complement ongoing efforts to reform the justice institutions of state. Although strengthening the formal justice sector is critical to promote access to justice, these efforts will not be optimized if the population is unaware of their rights, or unable to access justice institutions due to physical, financial or intangible barriers. These efforts also need to take into consideration the fact that most disputes are settled through non-formal mechanisms. 	   SOURCE: World Bank</description>
	 <source>World Bank</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 01 May 2008 15:10:05 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Repositioning US Engagement in Southeast Asia: A Case for Non-traditional Security</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24066</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24066</guid>
		 <description>Southeast Asian officials and analysts have complained about the waning US interest in the region due to the US preference for a bilateral approach to Southeast Asia. This US approach is out of sync with the rapidly changing security environment of the region, which can be redressed by looking at non-traditional security threats. 	   SOURCE: S Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Nanyang Technological University</description>
	 <source>S Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Nanyang Technological University</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 01 May 2008 15:07:26 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Myanmar's Shan State: The faint signal of volatility</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24065</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24065</guid>
		 <description>There has been much fanfare about rising opium production in Afghanistan but little attention paid to Myanmar's Shan State. Nonetheless, the region has seen a spike in production levels of both heroin and amphetamines, with China presently bearing the brunt of this 'boom'. This may have a knock-on effect in Northeast India as well as Thailand. 	   SOURCE: S Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Nanyang Technological University</description>
	 <source>S Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Nanyang Technological University</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 30 Apr 2008 15:49:56 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Rapport du Secrétaire général sur les enfants et les conflits armés aux Philippines (S/2008/272)</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24020</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24020</guid>
		 <description>Le présent rapport, établi en application des dispositions de la résolution
1612 (2005) du Conseil de sécurité, est soumis au Conseil et à son Groupe de travail sur les enfants et les conflits armés en tant que premier rapport de pays sur la situation des enfants et les conflits armés aux Philippines. Il porte sur la période du 1er juillet 2005 au 31 novembre 2007. Le rapport décrit les graves violations commises contre des enfants dans ce pays, notamment le recrutement et l’utilisation d’enfants, le meurtre et la mutilation d’enfants, les violences sexuelles visant les enfants, les attaques contre des écoles et des hôpitaux, le refus de l’accès à l’aide humanitaire et l’enlèvement d’enfants.
Le rapport identifie les parties au conflit – acteurs étatiques et non étatiques – qui commettent de graves abus contre des enfants, à savoir les forces gouvernementales de sécurité, le Front de libération islamique Moro (MILF), la Nouvelle armée populaire (NPA) et le Groupe Abu Sayyaf/Jemaah Islamiya (ASJ/JI). 	   SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité</description>
	 <source>Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:24:51 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>The Human Cost of Energy: Chevron’s Continuing Role in Financing Oppression and Profiting From Human Rights Abuses in Military-Ruled Burma (Myanmar)</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23987</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23987</guid>
		 <description>On September 28, 2007, Chevron Corporation unveiled its vast new “Human Energy” advertising campaign, with a spokesperson stating that “‘human energy’ captures our positive spirit in delivering energy to a rapidly changing world.”1 Two days earlier, in Burma (Myanmar), the military regime’s soldiers began shooting, beating and arresting thousands of Buddhist monks and others who were peacefully protesting in nationwide mass demonstrations against the regime. Chevron, the largest U.S. investor in Burma and the military junta’s direct business partner, remained completely silent for another week, and has still not condemned the violence. 	   SOURCE: EarthRights International</description>
	 <source>EarthRights International</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:19:15 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines (S/2008/272)</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23985</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23985</guid>
		 <description>The present report, prepared pursuant to the provisions of Security Council resolution 1612 (2005), is presented to the Council and its Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict as the first country report on the situation of children and armed conflict in the Philippines. It covers the period from 1 July 2005 to 30 November 2007. The report focuses on grave violations perpetrated against children in the Philippines including the recruitment and use of children, killing and maiming of children, sexual violence against children, attacks on schools and hospitals, denial of humanitarian access and abductions of children.
The report identifies parties to the conflict, both State and non-State actors, who commit grave abuses against children, including Government security forces, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the New People’s Army and the Abu Sayyaf Group/Jemaah Islamiya. 	   SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report</description>
	 <source>United Nations Secretary General Report</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:10:35 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Update Report on Myanmar</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23981</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23981</guid>
		 <description>The Council is expecting a briefing on 18 March by Ibrahim Gambari, the Secretary-General’s Special Advisor on Myanmar, followed by Council consultations. He has just returned from a four day trip to Myanmar as well as earlier visits to a number of countries in the region. (In February, he met leaders in Beijing, Jakarta, Singapore and Tokyo.) This is Gambari’s third visit to Myanmar since the protests last September. (He was last in Myanmar in November 2007.) Unlike the last two briefings by Gambari, this one is expected to be a closed session. A presidential statement urging Myanmar to meet the requirements specified in the Council’s 11 October statement is likely to be discussed after the briefing. 	   SOURCE: Security Council Report</description>
	 <source>Security Council Report</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2008 14:30:27 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Nightmare in Eastern Burma</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23902</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23902</guid>
		 <description>Burmese forces are waging the largest military offensive against their own people in more than a decade, targeting the country's eastern ethnic groups with violence and destruction. Tens of thousands of refugees, mostly Karen minorities, are abandoning villages in search of safety in Thailand. 	   SOURCE: The Washington Post</description>
	 <source>The Washington Post</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2008 14:28:46 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>In Hiding: A year of survival under the Burma Army 2004-2005</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23901</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23901</guid>
		 <description>&quot;In Hiding&quot; is a detailed account of human rights abuses committed by the Burma Army against ethnic minorities inside Burma over a one year period. It is an unrelenting documentary of disturbing images and firsthand stories; unadulterated evidence that the brutal military dictatorship of Burma continues its tyranny. And yet the film shows a people who resist the Burma Army and who, despite incredible difficulty, have hope. 	   SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers</description>
	 <source>Free Burma Rangers</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2008 14:25:44 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Fear and Hope: Responding to Burma's Internally Displaced</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23900</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23900</guid>
		 <description>Front Films / Free Burma Rangers. 6 min 8 sec. Dec 3, 2005 	   SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers</description>
	 <source>Free Burma Rangers</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2008 14:24:03 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>A Campaign of Brutality: Report and Analysis of Burma Army Offensive Against the People of Northern Karen State, Eastern Burma, February 2006-February 2007</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23899</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23899</guid>
		 <description>This report outlines one offensive conducted by the Burma Army against the Karen people in northern
Karen State, eastern Burma. It also provides an insight into other means by which the dictators attempt to control and exploit the population in the ethnic areas and provides an analysis of Burma Army strategy and tactics and how the ethnic resistance counters these. It describes the situation of the internally  displaced people (IDPs) and makes recommendations for action. Finally, it tells the story of a people living on the edge of survival who have not given up and need help. The slow but unrelenting attacks and building of new camps seem to be driven by a plan to dominate,chase out or crush any people in these areas.
This was the largest offensive in Karen State since 1997. It began in earnest in February 2006, with troops from over fifty battalions attacking through the rainy season, and the construction of 7 new main camps and 26 smaller support camps. The Burma Army is now planning the construction of two new roads that, when completed, will cut the northern Karen State into quarters. 	   SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers</description>
	 <source>Free Burma Rangers</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 23 Apr 2008 12:09:00 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Burma's Displaced People</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23827</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23827</guid>
		 <description>This issue of FMR aims to help bring the crisis of forced displacement of Burmese people back into the international spotlight. With the ‘Saffron Revolution’ of September 2007, Burma was catapulted into the centre of international attention. It was briefly headline news as people monitored the regime’s response
and watched for hints of progress towards democracy and the restoration of rights. With little action on either front (and no visible resurgence of violence or protest), interest has since waned. The September protests, led by Buddhist monks, were sparked by a sudden increase in oil prices which had a serious impact on the already impoverished population. After a few days, the government violently ended what it called
the “disruption of stability”. 	   SOURCE: Forced Migration Review</description>
	 <source>Forced Migration Review</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Tue, 22 Apr 2008 10:57:32 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>From Enduring Strife to Enduring Peace in the Philippines</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23799</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23799</guid>
		 <description>With the exception of a brief period of American control in the first half of the twentieth century, conflict has persisted in the Mindanao, the southern island group of the Philippines, for 500 years, since  the first acts of resistance towards Spanish colonization in the sixteenth century. In fact, this conflict is the second longest internal conflict in history. The population of the Philippines is a mosaic of diverse ideologies, religions, and cultures that have coalesced into three distinct regions of the archipelago. At times, these regions have been at odds with each other. While several attempts at conflict resolution have been made over the years through many different forms of government, the conflict has not  yet been resolved and groups continue to struggle against the central government for political consideration, concessions, and/or autonomy. Those living in the Mindanao, for whom resistance is central to identity, still writhe against the forces that wish to control them. 	   SOURCE: Military Review // United States Army Combined Arms Command</description>
	 <source>Military Review // United States Army Combined Arms Command</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 21 Apr 2008 11:56:19 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Statehood and Governance: Challenges in Southeast Asia</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23762</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23762</guid>
		 <description>While the emerging democracies of Southeast Asia still are characterised by legitimacy crises or have already collapsed, a higher level of political stability persists in most of the region’s autocracies. In most countries of South-East Asia, however, the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force is only partially enforced. In most of the region’s countries the potential for further socioeconomic development is seriously constrained by the tight, uncontrolled and opaque nexus of political and economic elites. Yet, given the strategic importance of South-East Asia and the heterogeneity of foreign policy interests of significant third countries, it seems unrealistic in the short to medium term, to expect that development policy could make a structural contribution to the establishment or consolidation of liberal democracy in the region. 	   SOURCE: German Development Institute</description>
	 <source>German Development Institute</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:59:38 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Recherche pour le développement dans les pays en transition : Vietnam</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23754</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23754</guid>
		 <description>Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. 	   SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international</description>
	 <source>Centre de recherches pour le développement international</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:49:36 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Recherche pour le développement dans les pays en transition : Cambodge</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23750</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23750</guid>
		 <description>Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. 	   SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international</description>
	 <source>Centre de recherches pour le développement international</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:44:18 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Recherche pour le développement dans les pays en transition : Birmanie</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23748</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23748</guid>
		 <description>Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. 	   SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international</description>
	 <source>Centre de recherches pour le développement international</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:38:15 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Recherche pour le développement dans les pays en transition : Introduction</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747</guid>
		 <description>Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu?

Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. 	   SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international</description>
	 <source>Centre de recherches pour le développement international</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 14:56:06 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>La présence chinoise au Cambodge. Contribution à une économie politique violente, rentière et inégalitaire</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23736</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23736</guid>
		 <description>Depuis une dizaine d’années, l’aide et l’investissement chinois au Cambodge ont crû de manière exponentielle, ce qui est révélateur de la montée en puissance de la Chine populaire, notamment dans les pays où elle peut s’appuyer sur une importante communauté chinoise d’outre-mer. Or l’aide chinoise, libre de toute rhétorique démocratique, peut autoriser les gouvernements qui en bénéficient à s’affranchir des conditionnalités imposées par les bailleurs de fonds, le Cambodge étant l’un des pays les plus tributaires de l’aide publique au développement. Une analyse en termes de contingence historique renvoie à la conjonction de deux processus d’accaparement rentier de l’économie, en Chine comme au Cambodge. De fait, l’aide et l’investissement chinois contribuent à consolider une économie politique fondée tout à la fois sur l’arbitraire, le renforcement des inégalités et de la violence, et le chevauchement des positions de pouvoir et d’accumulation. A cet égard, l’aide des autres donateurs est partie prenante de l’analyse, non seulement parce qu’elle se trouve désormais en concurrence avec l’aide chinoise, mais aussi, et avant tout, parce qu’elle a concouru depuis les Accords de Paris, certes indirectement, à asseoir le pouvoir du Premier ministre Hun Sen. 	   SOURCE: Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales</description>
	 <source>Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 18 Apr 2008 12:14:55 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Invisible In Thailand: Documenting the Need for International Protection for Burmese</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23717</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23717</guid>
		 <description>The International Rescue Committee (IRC) is concerned that there are significant numbers of Burmese living in Thailand who qualify for and deserve international protection and assistance even though they do not have access to proper registration processes. Without a transparent, humane and lawful asylum policy for Burmese people entering Thailand, it is impossible to estimate the percentage of bona fide refugees that are mixed into the group of migrants who have left Burma solely for other reasons. The lack of systematic data to document the reasons people flee Burma provides the Thai authorities with the excuse to treat the Burmese living outside the refugee camps as mere economic migrants, subject to deportation. It also weakens the leverage that agencies working with the Burmese living in Thailand have to advocate on their behalf.
With this in mind, FIC researcher, Karen Jacobsen, helped IRC design a survey that documented the experiences of Burmese people living in border areas of Thailand, and explored whether their experience in Burma might mean that they merited international protection as refugees. The data reveals significant differences in the demographic and socioeconomic makeup of the three sites, as well as differences in the reasons the respondents left Burma. Our findings suggest that a great number of currently unprotected Burmese in Thailand, possibly as many as fifty percent, merit further investigation as to their refugee status; and that only a small number of Burmese who warrant refugee status and attendant services actually receive any aid or protection either from the Thai government or from international aid agencies. 	   SOURCE: Tufts University // Feinstein International Center</description>
	 <source>Tufts University // Feinstein International Center</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2008 17:04:52 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Contamination due aux armes à dispersion : Où des bombes à sous-munitions ont-elles été employées ? Quels sont les dangers ?</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23664</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23664</guid>
		 <description>Au moins 21 pays et quatre régions d’Afrique, du Moyen-Orient, d’Asie et d’Europe sont aujourd’hui touchés par le problème des armes à dispersion, ou l’ont été au cours des cinquante dernières années. Dans certains pays, les armes à dispersion ont été employées de manière extensive : au Laos, par exemple, des bombes à sous-munitions ont été larguées tout au long d’une période de neuf ans (1964 à 1973), plaçant la population à la merci de cet héritage meurtrier (GICHD, février 2007). Dans d’autres contextes, bien que l’emploi de telles armes ait été plus limité, les conséquences sont tout aussi graves. Au Kosovo, par exemple, où le conflit n’a duré que 11 semaines, ce sont au total entre 230 000 et 290 000 sousmunitions qui auraient été larguées 

    * Quels sont les pays et les régions les plus touchés par le problème ?
    * Quelles difficultés surviennent-elles dans les zones infestées de sous-munitions d’armes à dispersion ? 	   SOURCE: Comité International de la Croix-Rouge</description>
	 <source>Comité International de la Croix-Rouge</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2008 15:58:18 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Rapport du Secrétaire général sur les enfants et les conflits armés au Myanmar (S/2007/666)</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23657</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23657</guid>
		 <description>Établi en application des dispositions de la résolution 1612 (2005) du Conseil
de sécurité et soumis au Conseil et à son groupe de travail sur les enfants et les conflits armés en tant que premier rapport de pays, conformément aux paragraphes 2, 3 et 10 de cette résolution, le présent rapport, qui porte sur la période de juillet 2005 à septembre 2007, donne des informations sur la situation actuelle concernant le recrutement et l’utilisation d’enfants et d’autres graves violations commises contre les enfants affectés par les conflits armés au Myanmar. Les structures en matière de surveillance et de communication d’informations décrites dans le mécanisme approuvé par le Conseil de sécurité dans sa résolution 1612 (2005) ont été mises en place, mais les modalités d’un mécanisme efficace, y compris les garanties de sécurité, l’accès aux zones affectées et la liberté de mouvement des observateurs, sans escorte gouvernementale, n’ont pas été établies. Ce premier rapport décrit donc
la situation générale, compte tenu des informations communiquées à l’équipe
spéciale de pays chargée de la surveillance et de la communication d’informations.
Bien que le dialogue avec le Gouvernement du Myanmar et deux acteurs non
étatiques ait progressé, le rapport constate que des acteurs étatiques et non étatiques continuent d’être impliqués dans de graves violations des droits des enfants. Le Gouvernement du Myanmar a pris l’engagement au plus haut niveau qu’aucune personne de moins de 18 ans ne serait recrutée. Il a constitué un comité de haut niveau sur la prévention du recrutement militaire des mineurs et un groupe de travail chargé de la surveillance et de la diffusion d’informations sur la même question. Il a également établi des règles et des directives interdisant le recrutement de mineurs. Il n’a pas encore adhéré au Protocole facultatif se rapportant à la Convention relative aux droits de l’enfant concernant l’implication d’enfants dans les conflits armés (2000). Deux acteurs non étatiques (l’Union nationale karen et le Parti national progressiste karenni) ont signé un acte d’engagement mettant un terme au
recrutement et à l’utilisation d’enfants et annonçant leur adhésion au Protocole facultatif se rapportant à la Convention relative aux droits de l’enfant, et se sont engagés à prendre les mesures de suivi requises. 	   SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité</description>
	 <source>Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2008 14:20:26 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Un portrait des femmes autochtones d'Asie</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23642</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23642</guid>
		 <description>Publiée par le Réseau des femmes autochtones d’Asie (Asian Indigenous Women’s Network, AIWN) et l’Alliance des peuples autochtones de l’archipel (AMAN: Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara), de concert avec Droits et Démocratie.

Cette trousse d’information met en évidence le travail accompli par les femmes autochtones, qui agissent aux échelons local, national et international afin de faire respecter leurs droits.

Cette trousse est une adaptation du document &lt;&lt; Femmes autochtones des Amériques &gt;&gt;. 	   SOURCE: Droits et Démocratie</description>
	 <source>Droits et Démocratie</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2008 14:06:11 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Timor-Leste: Impunity reigns</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23637</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23637</guid>
		 <description>The birth and infancy of Timor-Leste have been attended by spasms of violence. As the former East Timor separated from Indonesia in 1999, murderous unionist mobs killed hundreds. In 2006 the harsh suppression of a protest by sacked soldiers triggered factional fighting that brought the country back to the brink of civil war, requiring the hasty dispatch of Australian-led peacekeepers. And in February this year President José Ramos-Horta was shot and almost died in an attack led by the rebel soldiers' leader, Alfredo Reinado, who was himself shot dead. An attempt was also made on the life of the prime minister, Xanana Gusmão.
Indonesia set up a special human-rights court, supposedly to bring those responsible for the 1999 killings to justice. But it was a whitewash. It absolved all the Indonesian army leaders suspected of orchestrating the violence-including General Wiranto, a former and perhaps future presidential candidate. The only person jailed was Eurico Guterres, the leader of an anti-independence militia. On April 7th Mr Guterres was freed after the Supreme Court, which had in 2006 upheld his ten-year sentence, decided he was not after all responsible for his militia's slaughter. 	   SOURCE: International Center for Transitional Justice</description>
	 <source>International Center for Transitional Justice</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 14 Apr 2008 11:46:44 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Fighting the War in Southeast Asia, 1961-1973</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23583</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23583</guid>
		 <description>Previously secret U.S. Air Force official histories of the Vietnam war published today by the National Security Archive disclose for the first time that Central Intelligence Agency contract employees had a direct role in combat air attacks when they flew Laotian government aircraft on strike missions and that the Air Force actively considered nuclear weapons options during the 1959 Laos crisis. The newly declassified histories, which were released through Freedom of Information Act litigation by the National Security Archive with the law firm James &amp; Hoffman, include the Air Force's detailed official history of the war in northern Laos, written during the 1990s but hidden in classified form for years. Also declassified were Air Force historical studies on specific years of the Vietnam War, documenting in great detail the Air Force's role in planning and implementing the air war in North and South Vietnam. 	   SOURCE: National Security Archive // George Washington University</description>
	 <source>National Security Archive // George Washington University</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 11 Apr 2008 11:00:10 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Preparing Burma For Transition</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23559</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23559</guid>
		 <description>Burmese activist Khin Maung Shwe attended the Center's Cape Town fellowship program in 2004. Among other things he credits the program with imparting a comprehensive sense of the field, as well as building an extensive network of practitioners who continue to work together globally on justice issues. Khin Maung Shwe has since lived and worked along the Thai-Burma border, where he works on TJ issues alongside local human rights organizations and the ICTJ. He helps provide training to activists and also supports a human rights documentation project that helps set the stage for a democratic transition by documenting what has happened in Burma since the military assumed power. 	   SOURCE: International Center for Transitional Justice</description>
	 <source>International Center for Transitional Justice</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Wed, 09 Apr 2008 12:42:59 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>EU &amp; Burma - Briefing and recommendations</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23515</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23515</guid>
		 <description>The human rights situation has deteriorated significantly in recent years. Following
the suppression of the September 2007 democracy uprising, the regime has stepped up
arrests and harassment of democracy activists, and increased its control over media
and monitoring of communications. The number of political prisoners has risen by
over 700 to more than 1,800. Leaders of the democracy movement are either in jail or
in hiding. Aung San Suu Kyi remains isolated and under house arrest.
In Eastern Burma, out of sight of the media, attacks on ethnic people continue, forcing
thousands of people from their homes. Villages are burned, villagers shot on sight,
and thousands of people used as forced labour by the military. Rape is used as a
weapon of war, even against girls as young as five. 	   SOURCE: The Burma Campaign United Kingdom</description>
	 <source>The Burma Campaign United Kingdom</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 07 Apr 2008 15:22:12 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Lords of Jade: Mismanaging Myanmar’s Natural Resources</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23465</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23465</guid>
		 <description>The Myanmar Furniture Show, which took place during March 2007 in Yangon boasted the exceptional quality of the country’s teak. It was closely followed by a large precious stones auction. A series of criticisms questioned the deplorable human rights situation in Myanmar and also held the neighbouring countries responsible for the paradoxical predicament in which Myanmar stands today. How can a country endowed with such natural and human resources yet be so poor? When Burma gained independence in 1948, there was widespread expectation that the country would be the first one in Asia for an economic take-off. It had rich natural resources, a comparatively better educated population and a good administrative infrastructure. In 1962, military dictator Ne Win’s seizure of power opened a period of 45 years of economic mismanagement under the “Burmese Way to Socialism.” 	   SOURCE: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies</description>
	 <source>Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Fri, 04 Apr 2008 17:05:27 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Deux ans après le Tsunami: Les droits fonciers à Aceh</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23439</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23439</guid>
		 <description>Aceh, la province la plus au Nord de l’île indonésienne de Sumatra a été terriblement éprouvée par le raz de marée qui a balayé l’île en décembre 2004. La vague a déferlé sur plus de 800 km de littoral, laissant derrière elle 169.000 victimes et 600.000 sans-abris. A certains endroits, pas un seul bâtiment, route ou arbre n’a survécu à son passage. Des régions entières ont disparu à jamais. Sumatra a été ensuite frappée par un séisme le 28 mars 2005, qui a coûté la vie à près de 1.000 personnes sur l’île de Nias.
Le monde devant cette catastrophe a fait preuve de générosité, et pour les agences travaillant sur place, l’objectif a été au bout du compte d’offrir aux autochtones d’Aceh de meilleures conditions de vie que celles qui existaient auparavant sur le littoral, sans faire de discrimination entre les gens riches et pauvres, ou les femmes et les hommes. Dans une région appauvrie déchirée par un conflit, cela représentait une opportunité exceptionnelle. 	   SOURCE: Oxfam International</description>
	 <source>Oxfam International</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Thu, 03 Apr 2008 13:25:52 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Towards Better Peace Processes: A Comparative Study Of Attempts To Broker Peace With MNLF And GAM</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23390</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23390</guid>
		 <description>This paper describes how states increasingly find themselves in situations where they are unable to suppress internal insurgencies without initiating peace processes with the rebel organizations. The author describes how such circumstances have particularly occurred in Indonesia and the Philippines. The paper compares attempts made to attain peace between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) as well as the government of Indonesia and the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). 	   SOURCE: Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies</description>
	 <source>Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 31 Mar 2008 11:24:10 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Who's Left in Afghanistan?</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23239</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23239</guid>
		 <description>Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more. 	   SOURCE: Foreign Policy</description>
	 <source>Foreign Policy</source>
		 </item>
	   <item>
	   <pubDate>Mon, 31 Mar 2008 08:25:27 -0700</pubDate>
	 <title>Timor-Leste's Displacement Crisis</title>
	   <link>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23228</link>
	   <guid>http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23228</guid>
		 <description>The shooting of President José Ramos-Horta in February 2008 underscored the urgency of addressing sources of conflict and violence in Timor-Leste. The unresolved displacement crisis is one of the important problems, both a consequence of past conflict and a potential source of future trouble. Nearly two years after the country descended into civil conflict in April 2006, more than 100,000 people remain displaced. Successive governments and their international partners have failed to bring about the conditions in which they might return home or to prevent further waves of displacements. The new government’s national recovery strategy needs to be properly funded and accompanied by a number of other crucial elements, most significantly the creation of a fair and functioning land and property regime, an increase in overall housing stock, an end to the cycle of impunity and reform of the justice and security sectors. 	   SOURCE: International Crisis Group</description>
	 <source>International Crisis Group</source>
		 </item>
	

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