Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Central and Eastern Europe". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:26 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:26 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 15:03:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24389 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24389 The main question at the core of this article is why do certain ethnic conflicts spread violently to neighboring countries and threaten regional stability, while others remain confined to their initial frontiers? Case studies of two ethnic conflicts that, despite having a high potential for regional diffusion, have followed different paths in their evolution, can provide useful insights regarding risk factors that enhance the diffusion potential of ethnic conflicts. The ethnic conflicts involving Serb and Albanian minorities in Macedonia and the conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan were chosen in order to test several exploratory hypotheses. SOURCE: Peace Studies Journal Peace Studies Journal Wed, 14 May 2008 13:30:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Etats-Unis d’Amérique et Canada, et Europe occidentale et centrale. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Wed, 14 May 2008 12:16:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24349 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24349 Après 2 ans de pourparlers marqués par l’impossibilité de parvenir à un consensus international quant au statut politique de la province, le Kosovo a unilatéralement déclaré son indépendance le 17 février 2008, une indépendance que le Canada a officiellement reconnue un mois plus tard, le 18 mars 2008. Le 24 octobre 2005, le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies avait décidé d’ouvrir des négociations sur le statut politique du Kosovo et désigné Martti Ahtisaari, ancien Président finlandais, comme envoyé spécial. Ces négociations, menées entre février 2006 et mars 2007 à Vienne, par des représentants de Belgrade et de Pristina, sous la présidence de Ahtisaari, n’ont toutefois pas permis de rapprocher les positions des deux parties. Faute d’un accord entre Belgrade et Pristina, Ahtisaari a élaboré un Projet de statut pour le Kosovo, à savoir un statut d’« indépendance sous supervision internationale », présenté au Conseil de sécurité en mars 2007. Devant l’objection de certains États membres, notamment la Russie, la situation piétinait depuis. SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Wed, 14 May 2008 09:49:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 De 1915 à 1918, plus d’un million d’'Arménien(ne)s furent les victimes de massacres et de déportations systématiques. La Suisse n'’a pas à ce jour reconnu cet événement historique comme un génocide. De nombreuses interventions parlementaires ont déjà demandé la reconnaissance suisse du génocide. Le dernier en date a été le postulat Zisyadis que le Conseil national a rejeté de justesse en mars 2001. Les développements politiques et juridiques actuels sur la scène nationale et internationale ont mis à nouveau la question du génocide des Arméniens à l’ordre du jour de l’'agenda politique. Lors de la session de printemps 2002, Jean-Claude Vaudroz, Conseiller national, a déposé un postulat visant la reconnaissance du génocide arménien par la Suisse. Le postulat exige que le Conseil national reconnaisse le génocide des Arméniens et qu’'il demande au Conseil fédéral d’'en prendre acte et de la transmettre par voie diplomatique habituelle. Avec la présente documentation, le génocide arménien est présenté et donne lieu à une discussion politique et juridique dans le contexte national et international. SOURCE: Société pour les peuples menacés Société pour les peuples menacés Mon, 12 May 2008 13:08:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24300 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24300 In the spring of 1999, American political leaders debated how to respond to the ongoing military and humanitarian crisis in the Kosovo region of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, where armed Serbs under the control of then- Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic appeared to be conducting an ethnic cleansing campaign against the province’s predominantly Albanian population. Six months earlier in the fall of 1998, the Yugoslav army had forced members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), an armed separatist group comprised of ethnic Albanians, into the remote mountains of Kosovo, along with thousands of civilians. With winter approaching and the civilians in danger of freezing, the United States and other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) threatened attacks against Serb forces unless civilians were allowed to return to their homes unmolested. Serbian leaders relented and drew back their forces, but in March 1999 they launched yet another military campaign in defiance of international warnings. Once again, Albanian Kosovars fled the assault, this time in even greater numbers; thousands of refugees crossed into neighboring countries, recounting stories of summary executions and forced expulsions by Serbian forces. NATO responded on 24 March 1999, after the failure of negotiations in Rambouillet, France, by bombing Serbian targets for eleven consecutive weeks until Yugoslav forces finally withdrew from the province in early June. NATO ground troops then entered Kosovo and began escorting the refugees back to their homes. SOURCE: University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland Mon, 12 May 2008 12:36:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24288 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24288 Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008. As David Miliband noted in his Written Ministerial Statement of 19 February 2008, the declaration proclaims Kosovo as a democratic, secular and multi-ethnic republic and states that its leaders will promote the rights and participation of all communities in Kosovo. The Declaration also contains a unilateral undertaking to implement in full the obligations contained in the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (the Ahtisaari Plan) made by Martti Ahtisaari, UN Special Envoy for Kosovo, in February 2007, including its extensive minority safeguards. In the declaration Kosovo invited and welcomed an international civilian presence to supervise implementation of the Comprehensive Proposal, an EU rule of law and police mission and a continuation of NATO’s Kosovo Force. The declaration was adopted unanimously by the members of the Kosovo Assembly that were present. SOURCE: Chatham House Chatham House Fri, 09 May 2008 10:10:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24263 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24263 A battle between rebels and security forces took place in Chechnya’s Urus-Martan district on May 6. Kavkazky Uzel on May 7 quoted a Chechen Interior Ministry source as saying of the incident: “Yesterday at around 1400 in a forest tract at the village of Komsomolskoe in Urus-Martan district servicemen from a Defense Ministry unit who were carrying out intelligence-reconnaissance activities discovered a gang-formation unit numbering up to 15 people that was concealed at a temporary base. After a short shootout, the bandits retreated and left, presumably in the direction of the mountains (the village of Komsomolskoe is located in the foothills). There were no causalities or wounded among the servicemen. An operation to find and neutralize that gang group is continuing at the moment.” According to Kavkazky Uzel, Chechen rebel websites claimed that the battle lasted more than one and a half hours but did not report on whether any rebel fighters were killed or wounded. SOURCE: Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Fri, 09 May 2008 10:05:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24262 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24262 Dagestan’s Interior Minister Adalgirei Magomedtagirov recently admitted that the government expects rebel fighters to strike over the May holidays. The projected spread of rebel attacks mentioned in his statement was quite intriguing: “Makhachkala-based groups of bandits are planning to commit acts of terror in several Dagestani cities, including Makhachkala, Khasavyurt, Kizilyurt, Kizlyar, Buinaksk, Kaspiisk and Derbent,” he said. Yet as inclusive as that list was, Magomedtagirov had to add that terror acts elsewhere in Dagestan could also not be ruled out (Grani.ru, April 30). SOURCE: Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Thu, 08 May 2008 16:52:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24260 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24260 Cette étude de cas cherche à produire une description générale et une analyse des politiques relatives au déploiement de juges et de procureurs internationaux au Kosovo, dans le cadre d’un programme établi sous la Mission des Nations Unies au Kosovo (MINUK) en 1999. Elle fait partie d’une série destinée à documenter et analyser les questions pratiques et de politique auxquelles les tribunaux hybrides se trouvent confrontés. Au Kosovo, les tribunaux hybrides ont été établis lors de l’introduction d’une capacité internationale dans le système juridique national. Les leçons à tirer de l’expérience touchent aux domaines suivants : · Bref historique du conflit au Kosovo · Contexte de l’établissement du programme de juges et procureurs internationaux (JPI) · Description du programme JPI · Stratégie de poursuite et sélection des cas · Cadre juridique · Administration juridictionnelle et protection des témoins · Coûts et efficacité · Relation avec le Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie et les autres mécanismes de justice transitionnelle · Portée, perceptions du public et propriété · Stratégie de sortie et legs Cette étude vise à apporter une information générale, encore peu disponible à certains égards, sur ces différents points dans le but de guider les décideurs politiques et autres intéressés dans l’établissement et la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes comparables. Des études de cas similaires ont été réalisées sur la Sierra Leone et le Timor-Leste. SOURCE: Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Thu, 08 May 2008 10:31:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24232 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24232 The military legacy of socialism put a heavy burden on the transition economies and their societies at large. When socialism came to an end, the armed forces became a part of the transition process -both objects and subjects at the same time. During transition, the military was affected by shifts in political, economic and financial priorities. Not only did its role in the political system alter from being a cornerstone of socialism to being merely one of the many competing bureaucratic and social interest groups, but most military functions that had emanated from this Cold War role were devalued. Thus, while the Central Eastern European countries have been forced to reduce their armed forces dramatically over the last decade, changes in the composition of armed forces must be seen as part of an overarching restructuring process. SOURCE: Bonn International Center for Conversion Bonn International Center for Conversion Wed, 07 May 2008 09:25:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24177 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24177 Depuis leurs tout premiers contacts au XVIIe siècle et jusqu’à leur récent rapprochement, les relations entre la Chine et la Russie ont toujours été des plus épisodiques. Bien que très différentes de l’alliance sino-soviétique du début des années cinquante, les relations entre Beijing et Moscou se sont considérablement améliorées depuis le début des années quatre-vingt-dix de sorte à créer aujourd’hui une forme atypique d’association que peu d’observateurs avaient anticipée. Si le partenariat stratégique entre la Chine et la Russie ne demeure pas sans tension au niveau bilatéral et régional, les forces qui ont favorisé leur rapprochement semblent encore les mêmes qui attisent aujourd’hui la poursuite de certaines facettes de leur coopération. SOURCE: Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Wed, 07 May 2008 09:01:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24172 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24172 Le désir d’indépendance du Kosovo a été accueilli froidement, comme si la déclaration de souveraineté de ce minuscule pays était annonciatrice d’une accélération de la fragmentation politique du monde. L’indépendance de facto, sous tutelle internationale, constituait-elle un statut plus enviable? Valait-il mieux laisser le Kosovo dans les limbes politiques, reléguer ce rejeton bâtard de la première guerre humanitaire de l’OTAN aux oubliettes d’un statut de « territoire non autonome »? Si la communauté internationale manque terriblement de perspective à long terme, et cruellement d’imagination quand il s’agit de régler ses problèmes communs, les élites kosovares ont, quant à elles, vite compris que la satisfaction des conditions étatiques minimales (une population permanente, un territoire défini, une capacité d’entrer en relation avec les autres États), l’élection démocratique d’un gouvernement et l’affirmation d’une volonté de protéger leurs minorités nationales, les mèneraient vers une indépendance que nul ne pourrait leur refuser. D’autant plus que Belgrade a très mal joué ses cartes, préférant s’apitoyer sur l’injustice d’une telle sécession, qui la priverait de son Kosovo, plutôt que de faire preuve de bonne volonté envers sa population albanaise. SOURCE: Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Wed, 07 May 2008 08:58:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24171 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24171 À la suite du texte de Mme Katia Légaré du mois dernier sur l’indépendance du Kosovo, j’aimerais apporter un (modeste) éclairage de juriste. Avant de rentrer dans le vif du sujet, mettons-nous d’accord sur la différence que celui-ci présente avec le regard du politologue. Comme le faisait remarquer Maurice Arbour, professeur à la Faculté de droit de l’Université Laval, « le droit dit essentiellement ce qui doit être ou ce qui devrait être, sous peine de sanction, tandis que la sociologie politique tente d’expliquer ce qui est ou ce qui sera probablement sur le terrain de faits ». Au droit donc la théorie, et à la politique le pragmatisme! Cette précision faite, que nous dit le droit sur la déclaration unilatérale d’indépendance du Kosovo? La réponse, qui pour certains sera un crève-coeur et pour d’autres une raison de se réjouir, est sans appel : point de salut du côté du droit international, cet acte est en tout point illégal. SOURCE: Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Programme Paix et sécurité internationales - Université Laval Tue, 06 May 2008 13:42:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24166 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24166 Peace activists and action researchers from the Western Balkans, Israel/Palestine and Germany gathered at the Berghof Research Center in Berlin for a seminar with renowned Israeli psychologist Dan Bar-On on 14 and 15 February 2008. The workshop was organised and co-facilitated by Dr. Martina Fischer, the Center’s Acting Director, and designed for partners who are active in peacebuilding and conflict transformation in the Western Balkans. Participants came from Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, in particular from the Centre for Nonviolent Action which maintains offices in Belgrade and Sarajevo and from Miramida Centre, Groznjan (Istria, Croatia). In addition to this, some German colleagues from the Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für gewaltfreie Aktion – Kurve Wustrow, from the Akademie für Konflikttransformation (Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst) and from the Berghof team joined the event. Tamar Bar-On, who teaches at the Ben-Gurion University’s Department of Social Work also actively contributed to the workshop as a resource person and observer. SOURCE: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management Fri, 02 May 2008 09:47:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24071 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24071 The political situation in Kosovo grew more complicated as the deadline approached for agreeing on a statute to define its future. First, Serbia and Russia managed to delay the presentation of the statute from November 2006 to February 2007, arguing it might influence the Serbian elections in January 2007. But once the draft by the UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari was unveiled on 2 February 2007, both the new Serbian parliament and Russia rejected it outright, on the grounds that it granted de facto independence to Kosovo. The rest of the parties involved were divided. While a diplomatic troika composed of the US, Russia and the EU worked to bring the Serbian and ethnic Albanians of Kosovo towards a shared interpretation of Ahtisaari’s proposals, the different positions became more radical. Intense debate is guaranteed because whatever solution is agreed for Kosovo’s status will serve as a precedent for similar cases in Europe and elsewhere. SOURCE: Real Instituto Elcano Real Instituto Elcano Thu, 01 May 2008 12:56:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24058 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24058 Despite almost 14 years of conflict and migration of ethnic Russians away from the Muslim republics, there can be no doubting Moscow’s intention of staying put in the North Caucasus. For instance, the North Caucasus Military District boasts a strong military presence marked by 20 formations and military units in which at least 43,000 servicemen are serving on contract.4 The military presence is further underpinned not only by two newly formed specialist mountain motor rifle brigades in Botlikh (Dagestan) and Zelenchukskaya (Karachayevo-Cherkessia), but also through the implementation of Federal Special Programme “Transition to bringing formations and troop units up to strength with contract servicemen” (2004-2007).5 The programme also laid emphasis on the improvement of training: “New training areas will be fitted out and brought into use (Sernovodsk, Troitskiy – 19 Motor Rifle Division, Budennovsk – 205 Detached Motor Rifle Brigade, Buynaksk – 136 Detached Motor Rifle Brigade, Kalinovskaya, Shali – 42 Motor Rifle Division).6 SOURCE: Conflict Studies Research Centre // Defence Academy Conflict Studies Research Centre // Defence Academy Thu, 01 May 2008 12:53:06 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24057 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24057 Historically Albanians have practised a traditional, tolerant form of Sunni and Bektashi Islam. Now a third more radical interpretation of Islam is gradually being introduced by young Albanians who have studied abroad in Islamic countries. This has the potential to undermine the current delicate balance of inter-faith and inter-religious co-existence in Albania’s multi-faith society. Albania's strong tradition of religious tolerance is widely recognised. However, it should be remembered that historically this was not always the case, when foreign influences endeavoured to intensify regional and sectarian differences. Today, Albania is still vulnerable from such influences. Given the known radical Islamic activity in some of Albania's near neighbours, there should be closer monitoring of religious activity in Albania's more remote border communities. SOURCE: Conflict Studies Research Centre // Defence Academy Conflict Studies Research Centre // Defence Academy Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:55:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24028 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24028 Le présent rapport est soumis en application de la résolution 1244 (1999) du Conseil de sécurité, par laquelle le Conseil a décidé d’établir la Mission d’administration intérimaire des Nations Unies au Kosovo (MINUK) et a prié le Secrétaire général de lui rendre compte, à intervalles réguliers, de l’application du mandat de la Mission. Il traite des activités de la MINUK et de l’évolution de la situation au cours de la période allant du 16 décembre 2007 au 1er mars 2008. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:41:13 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24027 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24027 Soumis en application de la résolution 1781 (2007) du 15 octobre 2007, dans laquelle le Conseil de sécurité a décidé de proroger le mandat de la Mission d’observation des Nations Unies en Géorgie (MONUG) jusqu’au 15 avril 2008, le présent rapport fait le point de l’évolution de la situation depuis mon rapport du 23 janvier 2008 (S/2008/38). Mon Représentant spécial a continué de diriger la Mission. Il était secondé par le chef des observateurs militaires, le général de division Niaz Muhammad Khan Khattak (Pakistan). Au 25 mars 2008, la MONUG comptait 134 observateurs militaires et 18 policiers (voir annexe). SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Wed, 30 Apr 2008 13:32:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24004 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24004 When did you last listen to a displaced person and grasp the impact of displacement? Did you ever think what it means to lose close family members in conflict, lose all your belongings and to be uprooted from your place of origin? This book invites you to explore the personal reality of a protracted displacement situation. Thirteen individual accounts from Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia give us an insight into the reality of conflict and displacement. These direct voices have the power to cut through prejudice and political agendas, they speak for themselves. The focus is on universal human experiences and responses, not specific political issues. By reading what the displaced people themselves want to tell us, we may learn what is important to them and what issues they are particularly concerned about. The process of collecting these stories, whereby trained interviewers allowed the displaced individuals to direct the course of the narrative, allowed unexpected facts and ideas to emerge. It allows us to glean the reality behind generalised notions of displacement. The stories stand alone with little analysis added – their power lies in their offering of images, a voice, sensations, feelings, hopes and dreams. The stories gathered in these pages complement more factual and analytical data from sources other than the IDPs themselves. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Wed, 30 Apr 2008 11:23:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23995 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23995 Stella Rotaru’s cell-phone number is scribbled on the wall of a women’s jail in Dubai. That’s what a former inmate told her, and Rotaru does get a lot of calls from Dubai, including some from jail. But she gets calls from many odd places—as well as faxes, e-mails, and text messages—pretty much non-stop. “I never switch off my phone,” she said. “I cannot afford to, morally.” She looked at her battered cell phone, which has pale-gold paint peeling off it, and gave a small laugh. Rotaru, who is twenty-six, works for the International Organization for Migration, a group connected to the United Nations, in Chisinau, Moldova. She is a repatriation specialist. Her main task is bringing lost Moldovans home. Nearly all her clients are victims of human trafficking, most of them women sold into prostitution abroad, and their stories pour across her desk in stark vignettes and muddled sagas of desperation, violence, betrayal, and sorrow. SOURCE: The New Yorker The New Yorker Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:12:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23982 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23982 The Council is expected to meet on Thursday, 14 February, in response to a request from Serbia to discuss the situation in Kosovo. The meeting will be held as a closed session with Vuk Jeremic, Serbia’s Foreign Minister, participating. Serbia is expected to convey its concerns about Kosovo’s intention to declare independence, possibly in the next few days. Russia is likely to once again convey its view that a unilateral declaration of independence from Kosovo would be in violation of resolution 1244. Both Russia and Serbia are also expected to dispute the legality of the new EU mission which is poised to move into Kosovo. SOURCE: Security Council Report Security Council Report Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:09:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23980 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23980 The Council will have a public meeting on Kosovo on 11 March followed by consultations. On 6 March, Serbia had asked for an urgent meeting to consider what it referred to as an “aggravation of the situation” in Kosovo. Serbia’s Foreign Minister, Vuk Jeremic, is expected to address the Council during the public session. Serbia is expected to raise the issue of the formation of an "International Steering Group (ISG)" for Kosovo. On 29 February, it wrote to the Secretary-General stating its position that this Group had no proper legal or political basis. It seems unlikely that there will be any particular outcome of the Council meeting other than the formal record of the debate. SOURCE: Security Council Report Security Council Report Mon, 28 Apr 2008 15:15:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23954 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23954 On April 7, a coalition of leading human rights groups called on the European Union to press Russia to end human rights abuses in Chechnya and other parts of the North Caucasus and ensure perpetrators are brought to justice. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE), La Fédération Internationale des Droits de l'Homme (FIDH), Human Rights Watch, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and Pax Christi Flanders called on the EU to implement "a robust foreign policy toward Russia that prioritizes ending impunity for human rights abuses in Chechnya as key to preventing further abuses in the region," Human Rights Watch said in a press release. Inter Press Service (IPS) reported on April 8 that human rights activists want Chechnya to be considered as paramount in the EU's dealings with Dmitry Medvedev, who will succeed Vladimir Putin as Russia's president on May 7. According to IPS, while relations between Putin and several EU governments have been "frosty" on issues ranging from food safety to alleged espionage, the EU has indicated it wishes to be on better terms with Medvedev. Following a recent telephone conference with Medvedev, Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Jansa, current holder of the Union's rotating presidency, stated that he wished to see the bloc's ties with Moscow being deepened. SOURCE: Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Chechnya Weekly // The Jamestown Foundation Mon, 28 Apr 2008 15:14:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23953 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23953 On Feb. 17, after almost a decade of legal limbo and two years of unsuccessful international mediation, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia. The U.S. moved swiftly to recognize the new country, and nearly 2 million ethnic Albanians celebrated their long-awaited freedom, dancing in city streets, releasing fireworks and waving flags. Having bristled under Serbian rule and then U.N. administration, Kosovars were elated by the prospect of at last controlling their own affairs. The Serbs weren't quite so thrilled. On Feb. 21, some 200,000 protested in Belgrade, chanting "Kosovo is Serbia" and holding placards that read, RUSSIA, HELP. Rioters set the U.S. embassy on fire; Russian President Vladimir Putin vowed never to recognize Kosovo and threatened to support secessionist movements in Georgia and Moldova. SOURCE: TIME Magazine TIME Magazine Mon, 28 Apr 2008 13:44:08 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23938 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23938 When Kosovo seceded from Serbia earlier this year, Russia opposed UN recognition of an independent Kosovar state on the grounds that it violated the sovereignty and wishes of Moscow’s ally, Serbia. Moscow also warned the move opened the door for Georgia’s separatist provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which rely heavily on Russia, to seek independence. Now, just weeks after NATO leaders irked Russia by signaling a willingness to expand ties with Georgia and Ukraine (AP), Moscow seems to have made its response. Much to the consternation of Georgian authorities, the Kremlin announced it might increase trade relations (WSJ) with the breakaway Abkhazis and Ossetians. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Fri, 25 Apr 2008 13:35:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23897 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23897 Sustainable peacebuilding requires broad local participation in decision-making processes, training and capacity-building for local stakeholders, as well as the gradual handover of international responsibilities to local authorities. All of these measures relate and contribute to local ownership. While many international organizations endorse the principle of local ownership, much unclarity remains with respect to its practical and sustainable implementation in the field. The ZIF-research project on Local Ownership in Peacebuilding Processes - Approaches, Experiences, and Prerequisites for Success. An empirical study of peace operations in Kosovo (UNMIK) and Liberia (UNMIL) therefore aims to fill this gap in existing research on local ownership by clarifying the meaning of the concept and by exploring the practice of its actual implementation in the field. SOURCE: German Foundation for Peace Research // Deutsche Stiftung Friedensforschung German Foundation for Peace Research // Deutsche Stiftung Friedensforschung Fri, 25 Apr 2008 09:52:42 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23882 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23882 Two months after Kosovo declared independence, thousands of foreign experts are ready to descend on its capital to shape Europe's youngest republic into a constitutional state -- although its status is still disputed. Soon the EU will take over, and its team can expect a country ruled by corruption and organized crime. SOURCE: Spiegel Online Spiegel Online Wed, 23 Apr 2008 13:11:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23837 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23837 Kosovo’s independence declaration on 17 February 2008 sent shock waves through Serbia’s politics and society, polarising the former in a manner not seen since the Milosevic era. Rioting led to attacks on nine Western embassies, destruction of foreign property and massive looting. The government fell on 10 March, split over whether to pursue a nationalist or pro-Western path. Belgrade’s efforts to create a de facto partitioning of the north of Kosovo threaten the new state’s territorial integrity and challenge deployment of European Union (EU) missions there, and Serbian parliamentary and local elections on 11 May are unlikely to change the basic policy towards the new state, even in the unlikely event a pro-Western government comes to power. They may, however, well give Serbia’s nationalist parties new leverage. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Tue, 22 Apr 2008 10:00:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23788 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23788 The lives of tens of millions of people around the world are threatened by conflict, ethnic violence, drought and natural disaster. A large number of organizations - governmental, non-governmental, and United Nations - are devoted to providing humanitarian assistance to helping victims of humanitarian disasters survive. Humanitarian aid to persons impacted by conflict or natural disaster is a growth industry. In 1990, international humanitarian assistance amounted to about $2 billion; by 2000 the total was up to nearly $5 billion. The huge humanitarian crises in Afghanistan and several regions of Africa likely mean additional large increases in humanitarian in 2002 and again in 2003. The United States is the largest donor of humanitarian assistance with its share in recent years amounting to about 35 percent of the world total The 15 member countries of the European Union plus the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) are the second largest donors, and Japan ranks third. SOURCE: International Council of Voluntary Agencies International Council of Voluntary Agencies Mon, 21 Apr 2008 12:23:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23767 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23767 The Islamist movement in Chechnya has run into a major roadblock. Unable to mobilize significant support from the population and fighting a sporadic guerrilla war against the Russians has significantly weakened the movement. The Islamist ideology of Jihad for a greater Islamic Chechen state is no longer working. The Chechen public is caught between forces vying for control of the political space; repressed by the Russian-supported Chechen government (who are intermingled with heavy-handed criminal networks) and the Chechen separatist rebels. Kidnappings, illegal arrests, torture, rape and other humanitarian abuses have increased parallel to the amount of pressure from the Russian government to capture or kill Chechen terrorists. While tactically the Islamist Chechen rebels are using guerrilla warfare to combat Russian control of their government, theoretically they are stuck in a downward-spiraling movement. But why have the rebels been unable to mobilize a large part of the uncommitted Chechen population? The answer is quite simple: they have become stuck in their own frame. SOURCE: Center for Contemporary Conflict Center for Contemporary Conflict Mon, 21 Apr 2008 12:20:39 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23766 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23766 The EU advocates a policy that includes a great deal of human rights promotion and support for Russian NGOs. The question for EU policy-makers is no longer whether but how to manage NGO involvement in a way that induces necessary changes in Russia’s human rights behaviour. This paper argues that current EU policies often fall short of their potential to develop the non-state transfer of European ideas, norms, and practices to Russia or to assist the development of the Russian NGO community. If the EU is to become a serious actor in the field of human rights promotion, it will have to find new and creative ways to communicate with Russians about human rights matters. This paper offers policy recommendations to adapt EU strategies to the current context of the EU-Russia relationship and to redesign EU assistance programmes. SOURCE: Centre for European Policy Studies Centre for European Policy Studies Fri, 18 Apr 2008 10:49:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23713 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23713 Since its inception, the ICTJ has supported the work of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). In 2002 then ICTJ President Alex Boraine testified at the unprecedented sentencing hearing in 2002 for Biljana Plavsic, former President of Republika Srpska. Boraine noted the importance of Plavsic's guilty plea and her acknowledgment of responsibility, but questioned her decision not to take the extra step of testifying about the roles of other senior Serb officials in committing war crimes. On February 12, 2002 the Trial Chamber of the ICTY began to hear the case against former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. The case marked the first time a head of state faced charges of genocide and crimes against humanity in an international court. It also offered a dramatic public history lesson on the catastrophe that engulfed Yugoslavia in the 1990s. To enable transparency and the widest possible audience for the trial, the ICTJ and the Human Rights Project at Bard College created an internet-based archive of the audio and video of the trial. The archive allows cross-referencing and easy movement across segments of the trial video. It is also linked to a physical archive of broadcast-quality digital videotapes of the trial, fully open to use by researchers, students, broadcasters, and members of the public. While the death of Milosevic in March 2006 meant that the ICTY was unable to issue a verdict in his trial, the case uncovered a substantial amount of documentary evidence and witness testimony that now forms part of the public record. SOURCE: International Center for Transitional Justice International Center for Transitional Justice Thu, 17 Apr 2008 10:52:46 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23700 Recalling all its relevant resolutions including resolution 1781 of 15 October 2007 (S/RES/1781), Welcoming the reports of the Secretary-General on the activities of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia of 23 January 2008 (S/2008/38) and 2 April 2008 (S/2008/219), Reiterating the importance of maintaining the separation of forces and the preservation of the ceasefire, Supporting the sustained efforts of the Secretary-General and of his Special Representative with the assistance of the Group of Friends of the Secretary-General as well as the Russian Federation in its capacity as facilitator and of the OSCE, underlining the increased importance of the meetings in the Geneva format as the forum for meaningful political dialogue and welcoming the Georgian and Abkhaz renewed commitment to this process. SOURCE: United Nations Security Council United Nations Security Council Wed, 16 Apr 2008 17:04:52 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23664 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23664 Au moins 21 pays et quatre régions d’Afrique, du Moyen-Orient, d’Asie et d’Europe sont aujourd’hui touchés par le problème des armes à dispersion, ou l’ont été au cours des cinquante dernières années. Dans certains pays, les armes à dispersion ont été employées de manière extensive : au Laos, par exemple, des bombes à sous-munitions ont été larguées tout au long d’une période de neuf ans (1964 à 1973), plaçant la population à la merci de cet héritage meurtrier (GICHD, février 2007). Dans d’autres contextes, bien que l’emploi de telles armes ait été plus limité, les conséquences sont tout aussi graves. Au Kosovo, par exemple, où le conflit n’a duré que 11 semaines, ce sont au total entre 230 000 et 290 000 sousmunitions qui auraient été larguées * Quels sont les pays et les régions les plus touchés par le problème ? * Quelles difficultés surviennent-elles dans les zones infestées de sous-munitions d’armes à dispersion ? SOURCE: Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Wed, 16 Apr 2008 14:13:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23640 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23640 In the last eight years the United States of America led two wars without UN resolutions and claimed successful victories. However, a realistic evaluation of these victories reveals their high costs and unfinished outcomes. Kosovo and Iraq are still in transition to stable economic and political development. This comparative analysis of the Wars in Kosovo and Iraq focuses on the cost of intervention and the impact of the wars on international trade, foreign direct investments and the economic performance of Kosovo, Iraq and their neighboring countries. The regional economies were affected by trade disruption that led mainly to higher costs of exports. To produce under the new costs of the exports, firms had to reduce their expenditures and fire some of their workers. Thus, the higher costs, caused by trade disruption, led indirectly to an increase in unemployment rate and a decrease in GDP growth rate. The analysis points out also similarities between the situations in Kosovo and Iraq. SOURCE: Economists for Peace and Security Economists for Peace and Security Wed, 16 Apr 2008 11:42:13 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23613 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23613 It was with great trepidation that I accepted the invitation to deliver this distinguished lecture, together with the suggestion that my remarks should focus on Russia. Although my lifelong preoccupation with international politics—and in particular with the struggle between freedom and tyranny—has led me to follow closely developments in Russia (and, of course, the Soviet Union), I must confess at the outset that I am not an “old Russia hand.” I do not speak Russian, and I have never spent more than two consecutive weeks in Russia. Why, then, did I agree to speak on this subject? In the first place, as an analyst of international relations I have a strong interest in the political role of human passions, and I think that understanding wounded pride, repressed guilt, resentment, and the manipulation of fear is central for interpreting Russia today. But I was also attracted by the idea of paying tribute to the memory of Seymour Martin Lipset. I met him and his wife Sydnee only once, toward the end of his life, at a celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. To my knowledge, Lipset did not write much on Russia or on communism, but he did write extensively on the connection between economic development, the rise of a middle class, and democracy, as well as on the impact of political culture and traditions. As I expected, in preparing this lecture, I found a good deal of inspiration in Lipset’s intellectual approach. SOURCE: Journal of Democracy Journal of Democracy Mon, 14 Apr 2008 14:46:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23601 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23601 The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), by which the Council decided to establish the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and requested the Secretary-General to report at regular intervals on the implementation of the mandate. It covers the activities of UNMIK, and developments related thereto, from 16 December 2007 to 1 March 2008. SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report United Nations Secretary General Report Mon, 14 Apr 2008 14:31:08 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23598 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23598 The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1781 (2007) of 15 October 2007, by which the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) until 15 April 2008. It provides an update of the situation in Abkhazia, Georgia, since my report dated 23 January 2008 (S/2008/38). My Special Representative continued to lead the Mission. He was assisted by the Chief Military Observer, Major General Niaz Muhammad Khan Khattak (Pakistan). The strength of UNOMIG on 25 March 2008 stood at 134 military observers and 18 police officers (see annex). SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report United Nations Secretary General Report Tue, 08 Apr 2008 10:54:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23487 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23487 Armenia’s flawed presidential election, the subsequent lethal crackdown against a peaceful protest rally, the introduction of a state of emergency and extensive arrests of opposition supporters have brought the country to its deepest crisis since the war against Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh ended in 1994. The situation deprives Serzh Sarkisian, scheduled to be inaugurated as president on 9 April 2008, of badly needed legitimacy and handicaps prospects for much needed democratic reform and resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict alike. Unless the U.S., EU and others with significant diplomatic leverage over the regime in Yerevan exert pressure, Armenia is unlikely to make progress on either. The Sarkisian administration must urgently seek credible dialogue with the opposition, release prisoners detained on political grounds, stop arrests and harassment of the opposition and lift all measures limiting freedom of assembly and expression. Unless steps are taken to address the political crisis, the U.S. and EU should suspend foreign aid and put on hold negotiations on further and closer cooperation. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Tue, 08 Apr 2008 10:00:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23478 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23478 The Islamist movement in Chechnya has run into a major roadblock. Unable to mobilize significant support from the population and fighting a sporadic guerrilla war against the Russians has significantly weakened the movement. The Islamist ideology of Jihad for a greater Islamic Chechen state is no longer working. The Chechen public is caught between forces vying for control of the political space; repressed by the Russian-supported Chechen government (who are intermingled with heavy-handed criminal networks) and the Chechen separatist rebels. Kidnappings, illegal arrests, torture, rape and other humanitarian abuses have increased parallel to the amount of pressure from the Russian government to capture or kill Chechen terrorists. While tactically the Islamist Chechen rebels are using guerrilla warfare to combat Russian control of their government, theoretically they are stuck in a downward-spiraling movement. But why have the rebels been unable to mobilize a large part of the uncommitted Chechen population? The answer is quite simple: they have become stuck in their own frame. SOURCE: Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Post Graduate School Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Post Graduate School Tue, 08 Apr 2008 09:21:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23472 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23472 In the majority of cases from Chechnya pending before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Russian government has refused to provide the ECtHR with important documents. Recent cases indicate that Russia might be punished for its non-cooperation, but that there are limits to how far the ECtHR is willing to go toward enforcement. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has struggled with a violent separatist movement in its southern republic of Chechnya. An initial military attempt to bring Chechnya back into Russia’s fold met with embarrassing failure. As a result, Russia’s then President Boris Yeltsin signed a peace agreement with his Chechen counterpart in 1996, giving Chechnya de facto independence. After a series of apartment bombings, officially attributed to Chechen terrorists and a Chechen armed incursion into the neighboring republic of Dagestan, Russia’s central government launched a second military campaign in 1999. SOURCE: Human Rights Brief Human Rights Brief Mon, 07 Apr 2008 15:12:09 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23462 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23462 This paper analyses the post-war rehabilitation process in Kosovo from a gender perspective. After a brief historical background to locate events, the paper introduces the work carried out by the international community in Kosovo and the way this was organised highlighting achievements and constraints that can put the sustainability of the process at risk. The paper also analyses the post-war rehabilitation process from a gender perspective, reflecting on the work undertaken by international and local organizations for the promotion of a more egalitarian and less discriminatory society. SOURCE: Siyanda Siyanda Thu, 03 Apr 2008 13:35:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23393 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23393 Time is running out in Kosovo. The status quo will not hold. As evidenced by the deadly rioting in March 2004, Kosovo Albanians are frustrated with their unresolved status, the economic situation, and the problems of dealing with the past. The Albanian majority expects the international community to begin delivering this year on its independence aspirations. Without such moves it may act unilaterally. In such circumstances, given the dismal record of Kosovo Albanians with regard to minorities, Kosovo's Serbs may call upon Serbia's armed forces to protect them, and the region could be plunged into new turmoil. Either 2005 sees major progress on a future status solution that consolidates peace and development, or the danger is that Kosovo will return to conflict and generate regional instability. This report, seeking to fill the blanks left by Security Council Resolution 1244 at the conclusion of the 1999 conflict, shows how that progress might be made. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Thu, 03 Apr 2008 12:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23378 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23378 The mass atrocities committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the early nineties have prompted the establishment of the first international war crimes court since the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals. Ever since, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the court which has marked a new stage in the development of international justice, has been shaped and influenced by the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, its existence and achievements have hugely impacted Bosnia and Herzegovina in its ongoing post-war transition into a democratic society. This relationship resulted in a unique case of international intervention in a post-conflict context and an unprecedented transfer of legitimacy of a justice process from an international body to local institutions. SOURCE: Peace Justice Conference // Working Group on Development and Peace // Center for Peacebuilding - swisspeace Peace Justice Conference // Working Group on Development and Peace // Center for Peacebuilding - swisspeace Wed, 02 Apr 2008 10:16:13 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23324 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23324 A Magnum photo essay SOURCE: Slate.com Slate.com Tue, 01 Apr 2008 12:54:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23290 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23290 The central mechanisms of post-conflict transitional justice are criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, vetting, and reparations. Criminal prosecutions can be conducted by international courts and tribunals, national courts, and mixed or hybrid tribunals that combine elements of national and international law, jurisdiction, and staffing. Truth commissions vary in their mandate and methodology from more narrow fact-finding inquiries conducting analysis of evidence and documentation, to broader truth and reconciliation initiatives that incorporate victims and perpetrators through a process of public hearings. Vetting takes an individualized approach to assessing the integrity of persons in order to determine their suitability for employment in the public and particularly the security sector, while lustration disqualifies groups of individuals from holding public office on the basis of their membership or employment in certain organizations. Finally, reparations can be provided to victims of human rights abuse either within state-sponsored reparation programs, or by courts and other judicial bodies on an individual basis. Other forms of redress and modalities of transitional justice include restitution, apology, memorialisation, and education. SOURCE: Peace Justice Conference // Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development Peace Justice Conference // Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development Mon, 31 Mar 2008 10:32:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23233 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23233 A number of studies and analyses have suggested that the UN has limited capabilities in "conceptualization, expertise, know-how and resources specifically dedicated to building effective, sustainable and legitimate state institutions". Referring to justice and security development, the UN is deemed to have "very limited or non-existent" governance capacity, "limited expertise in supporting policy aspects of the reform of law enforcement agencies" and that its human resources are “not … harnessed towards [formulating] a comprehensive statebuilding strategy". It is also widely acknowledged that the UN continues to have no agreed framework of security sector reform (SSR) delineating its role in supporting justice and security development in post-conflict environments. This chapter endeavours to address these concerns in the context of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and its specific mandate.5 Additionally, the chapter seeks to present concrete, realistic recommendations on approaches the UN may be able to employ to support SSR in post-conflict scenarios. SOURCE: Geneva Center for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces Geneva Center for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces Fri, 28 Mar 2008 09:28:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23189 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23189 It is now widely accepted that the justice system is the weakest of Kosovo’s main institutions. That reality is reflected in the decision of the European Union to focus the efforts of its European Security and Defence Policy mission to Kosovo on police and justice issues. Kosovo’s inadequate justice system has far-reaching consequences. In particular, many of Kosovo’s ongoing human rights problems, particularly ethnically- and politically-motivated violence, can be traced back to the failure of the authorities to bring perpetrators to justice. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 26 Mar 2008 14:55:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23172 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23172 Since official violence between it and Chechnya began in late 1994, the Russian government has frequently asserted that the conflict was “settled” and that the republic was at “peace.” In the last three years, however, President Putin’s claims have seemed more plausible, as the policy of “Chechenization” – turning power in the republic over to Chechens – has seemingly worked to pacify the region and reintegrate it into the Russian Federation. Students of post-settlement peace building who stress the importance of state building and reconciliation would, however, raise questions regarding Putin’s contentions. While the Chechen government under Ramzan Kadyrov has stifled the insurgency, it has done so using high levels of violence against citizens, torturing, disappearing, and murdering at will, and pushing insurgents to other parts of Russia. In Chechnya, coercion and fear have worked to convince most opponents to accept amnesty or remain silent, as have corresponding promises of payoffs for loyalty, such as improved living conditions and access to patronage. Thus, Putin and Kadyrov have substituted clientalism and stability for meaningful peace. Such a strategy is ineffective for the long term, as it hinges on the fate of an individual, whose brutality is well known and who has multiple enemies. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association Annual Convention of the International Studies Association