Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Armenia". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:26 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:26 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Wed, 14 May 2008 09:49:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 De 1915 à 1918, plus d’un million d’'Arménien(ne)s furent les victimes de massacres et de déportations systématiques. La Suisse n'’a pas à ce jour reconnu cet événement historique comme un génocide. De nombreuses interventions parlementaires ont déjà demandé la reconnaissance suisse du génocide. Le dernier en date a été le postulat Zisyadis que le Conseil national a rejeté de justesse en mars 2001. Les développements politiques et juridiques actuels sur la scène nationale et internationale ont mis à nouveau la question du génocide des Arméniens à l’ordre du jour de l’'agenda politique. Lors de la session de printemps 2002, Jean-Claude Vaudroz, Conseiller national, a déposé un postulat visant la reconnaissance du génocide arménien par la Suisse. Le postulat exige que le Conseil national reconnaisse le génocide des Arméniens et qu’'il demande au Conseil fédéral d’'en prendre acte et de la transmettre par voie diplomatique habituelle. Avec la présente documentation, le génocide arménien est présenté et donne lieu à une discussion politique et juridique dans le contexte national et international. SOURCE: Société pour les peuples menacés Société pour les peuples menacés Tue, 08 Apr 2008 10:54:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23487 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23487 Armenia’s flawed presidential election, the subsequent lethal crackdown against a peaceful protest rally, the introduction of a state of emergency and extensive arrests of opposition supporters have brought the country to its deepest crisis since the war against Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh ended in 1994. The situation deprives Serzh Sarkisian, scheduled to be inaugurated as president on 9 April 2008, of badly needed legitimacy and handicaps prospects for much needed democratic reform and resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict alike. Unless the U.S., EU and others with significant diplomatic leverage over the regime in Yerevan exert pressure, Armenia is unlikely to make progress on either. The Sarkisian administration must urgently seek credible dialogue with the opposition, release prisoners detained on political grounds, stop arrests and harassment of the opposition and lift all measures limiting freedom of assembly and expression. Unless steps are taken to address the political crisis, the U.S. and EU should suspend foreign aid and put on hold negotiations on further and closer cooperation. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Thu, 20 Mar 2008 15:38:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23074 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23074 Agacés d’être perçus comme une menace, les États de la rive sud de la Méditerranée risquent d’opposer une fin de non-recevoir à la présidence française de l’Union européenne si celle-ci s’aventurait un peu trop ostensiblement sur ce terrain. Mais c’est bien de cela dont il s’agit, en partie, derrière ce vaste chantier. Perverti et trop souvent invoqué de manière irréfléchie, le concept de sécurité reste néanmoins un objectif dont découle la réalisation concomitante des autres aspects du projet de la présidence française. L’idée de la sécurité n’existe pas sans les usages dont elle fait l’objet. Si la définition minimaliste de la sécurité est « l’absence de menaces, ou de craintes de menaces, sur les valeurs centrales », reste à déterminer ce à quoi l’on se réfère : aux États membres, à l’Union méditerranéenne en tant que telle, aux individus qui composent les différentes populations ? Par ailleurs, à quelles menaces s’agit-il de faire face : les menaces militaires et/ou non militaires (économiques, environnementales, pertes d’identité…) ? Bien qu’elles puissent apparaître comme le fruit d’une construction intellectuelle sans fondement concret, ces questions sont au coeur du projet d’Union de la Méditerranée comme elles ont été le fondement des multiples initiatives de part et d’autre de la « mare nostrum ». L’absence d’entente entre les parties prenantes sur l’étendue que doit couvrir ce volet risque de faire de l’Union méditerranéenne, au mieux une construction institutionnelle parmi d’autres, au pire un échec de plus dans cette région du monde, avec les conséquences humaines que l’on devine. SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Thu, 20 Mar 2008 15:06:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23072 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23072 Depuis plusieurs mois, le Caucase du Sud semble à nouveau traversé par de vives tensions. Dans l'espace Sud-caucasien s'enchevêtrent plusieurs facteurs et plusieurs niveaux de crise : les crises politiques internes (processus électoraux heurtés dans deux des Etats de la région, la Géorgie et, plus récemment, l'Arménie) et le contexte international (indépendance du Kosovo) sont propices à la résurgence des séparatismes (Ossétie du Sud et Abkhazie) et des conflits interétatiques (Nagorno-Karabakh). Ces événements sont un défi pour la communauté internationale, en particulier pour une Union européenne jusqu'ici impuissante à stabiliser son voisinage et pour une Russie qui éprouve toujours des difficultés à sortir des schémas hérités de l'Empire. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Mon, 25 Feb 2008 11:28:57 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22603 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22603 During the week in which Kosovo declared independence, two important elections took place elsewhere, in Cyprus and Armenia. They attracted far less attention than did events in Kosovo, but they are also likely to influence Europe and its neighboring areas. Furthermore, there is some overlap between the issues raised in these election campaigns and Kosovo’s declaration of independence. While those supporting diplomatic recognition of Kosovar independence insist that it implies no precedent for international recognition of secessionism in other states, in practice concerns are being voiced in other regions about similar problems. Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Armenians, and Azeris are among those looking closely at events in Kosovo and their possible implications. SOURCE: Institute for National Security Studies Institute for National Security Studies Tue, 19 Feb 2008 17:33:30 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22505 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22505 Depuis la chute de l'URSS, L'Arménie et la Russie ont scellé un pacte stratégique dans le cadre de l'organisation du traité de sécurité collective (OTSC), le bras armé de la Communauté des états indépendants (CEI). Cette alliance politique, militaire, et économique constitue la seule réalité stratégique du Caucase du Sud en plein désenclavement. A l'heure où Russes et Arméniens élisent en 2008 leurs présidents respectifs, où en est la relation entre ces deux états? SOURCE: Institut Français des Relations Internationales Institut Français des Relations Internationales Fri, 01 Feb 2008 11:57:33 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22135 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22135 Two states wedged between Europe and Iran are locked in an arms race and preparing for war. The international community, particularly the EU, might be able to slow down Armenia and Azerbaijan’s slide toward another devastating conflict. But it will have to shake off its indifference first. The dispute over the mountainous province of Nagorno-Karabakh does not exactly rank high on the world’s to-do list. It was much the same in 1991, when amid the collapsing Soviet Union, two republics stumbling toward independence fell into an all-out war over this ethnically Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan. SOURCE: European Voice European Voice Tue, 15 Jan 2008 16:31:18 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21832 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21832 Jehovah's Witnesses in Armenia face discrimination and imprisonment because of their beliefs, according to a new Amnesty International report. Many young men in the religious organization are jailed because their faith prohibits them from doing military service, while others have been attacked - including allegedly by supporters of the country's dominant religious group. SOURCE: Amnesty International Amnesty International Wed, 14 Nov 2007 12:10:58 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21113 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21113 The report examines the dangers of ignoring the conflict both for the region and for the wider international community. Oil money has given Azerbaijan new self-confidence and the means to upgrade its armed forces. Armenia has done surprisingly well economically and is increasing its own military expenditures. With both countries now building military capacity, neither believes it is time to compromise. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 31 Oct 2007 14:07:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16778 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16778 As NATO has moved from being a primarily military alliance to seeking more political roles, it has become pertinent to consider its impact on democratisation. At first glance, it might seem incongruent even to deliberate on the democracy promotion relevance of an essentially military organisation. But, NATO's successive enlargements have often hinged on the fulfilment of democratic preconditions in aspirant members, while technical assistance provided under the Partnership for Peace (PfP) and other programmes has increasingly focused on the reform of civil-military relations. Assessment is consequently warranted of whether NATO has come to play any positive role in encouraging democratisation across different regions, or whether its impact on political liberalisation has been either marginal or even negative. This paper argues that support for democracy has increasingly infused NATO policies, but that the organisation's role in democracy promotion is circumscribed by strategic considerations; most often an indirect side effect of other aims; and most relevant to the niche area of defence reform. SOURCE: Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20874 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20874 This report analyses the interaction between the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and its political context in the South Caucasus, with particular reference to the frozen conflict over Nagorno Karabakh. It examines a range of conflict actors and assesses the dual potential of the pipeline for conflict reduction or escalation, as well as the possible impact of the changing political status quo on the pipeline itself. SOURCE: International Alert International Alert Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20548 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20548 Democratization research has yet to present a model to compare the political systems of countries experiencing political transitions towards democracy. In turn, the literature is unable to suggest what domestic and international policy options will maximize the chances for stability. This studyxc2x92s goal is to remedy this by presenting a model for exploratory structural analysis of transitioning political systems. We argue that a model based up#on thick description and survey research is most appropriate. This allows for theory building and domestic and international policy prescriptions that take into account the broader political system, which other unstructured case studies deny. In this study, we focus on the Transcaucasus region. The three post-Soviet nations that comprise this region (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) represent excellent cases for analysis due to the fact that each country is experimenting with democratization, is politically unstable, and is a major foreign policy concern of many Western countries, especially the U.S. SOURCE: West Virginia University West Virginia University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19969 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19969 Armenia remains formally at war with neighboring Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh territorial dispute. It also suffers from a seven-year-old economic embargo imposed by Turkey. Except for the European Union-sponsored TRACECA project, aimed at coordinating the development of transit routes between East and West, Armenia has remained on the sidelines of most of the region's major economic projects. The Soviet Union created the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region within Azerbaijan in 1924, when over 94 percent of the region's population was Armenian. The term Nagorno-Karabakh originates from the Russian for "mountainous Karabakh." As the Azerbaijani population grew, the Karabakh Armenians chafed under discriminatory rule, and by 1960 hostilities had begun between the two populations of the region. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19997 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19997 The Caucasus is the theatre of several internal and regional armed conflicts. It is a strategic oil region crossed by pipelines linking the Caspian to the Black Sea, in which Moscow maintains a military presence. The republics of the northern Caucasus are a kaleidoscope of ethno-linguistic families. SOURCE: Le Monde Diplomatique Le Monde Diplomatique Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19412 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19412 All sides in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict need to prepare their people for peace much better if the seeds of their high-level peace talks are to bear fruit. There is need to counter hate propaganda and unlock the potential for confidence building and dialogue between average Azeris and Armenians. Neither community appears prepared to agree to the kind of settlement being# considered by the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers in the negotiations sponsored by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. There is no way for any peace process to succeed unless leaders from all sides start actively selling the idea to their people. Rising military expenditures and increasing ceasefire violations are ominous signs that time for a peaceful settlement may be running out. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19317 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19317 On 6-7 May 2002, the National Intelligence Council and the Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research sponsored a conference that examined the prospects for resolving regional conflicts involving four states of the former Soviet Union: Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Moldova. The conference brought together outside scholars, regional experts and officials to discuss the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Transnistria. The purpose was not to arrive at a consensus but to deepen understanding of the complex geopolitical dynamics at work in the region. Each of these conflicts has produced isolated societies that engage in mutual recrimination and hold distorted views of developments across the conflict divide. Peace processes have been largely the domain of elites, who often seem to be out of touch with their societies and sometimes act as if they are more intent on consolidating their own positions than resolving the conflict and transforming their societies. Having contributed to the mobilization of their populations against one another, leaders on both sides have become trapped in an adversarial culture that reduces their receptivity to compromise. A variety of mediation strategies, both formal and informal, are required to overcome these obstacles. SOURCE: National Intelligence Council // Central Intelligence Agency National Intelligence Council // Central Intelligence Agency Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19266 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19266 The Lezgins are a Sunni Muslim people whose lands are divided by the international border between two countries - Russia and Azerbaijan. In Azerbaijan, the traditional Lezgin lands are concentrated in the northeast, but there are Lezgins in other areas of the country as well and consequently they do not have as strong a group identity as their brethren to the north. The term "Lezgin" was once used by outsiders to refer to all of the ethnic groups of Dagestan in southern Russia, but today it correctly refers only to the people who refer to themselves as "Lezghi." This history of this group probably began with the merger of various indigenous groups of the Caucasus early in the last millennium. The Lezgin language is part of Caucasus family of languages and includes three distinct dialects. Although many feared that Lezgin demands for the creation of an independent "Lezgistan" would result in another secessionist war in Azerbaijan, these fears have thus far proved to be unwarranted. In 2001 it appears less likely than ever that the Lezgins will resort to rebellion or sustained collective action to address their grievances. They have not engaged in any serious violence or protests in the last five years, and have shown a willingness to negotiate and compromise away their most intractable demands. Their nationalist movements do not receive wide support among the Lezgin people who are not well-organized at the grass-roots level. Three other factors suggest that serious Azeri-Lezgin conflict is not terribly likely. First, the Lezgins are well-integrated into Azeri society, and mixed marriages are common. Second, both groups share an Islamic identity, even if the Lezgins are Sunni and the Azeri predominantly Shi'i. It is interesting to note that none of the many ethnic clashes of the Caucasus have pitted Muslim against Muslim. And finally, the Lezgins are not territorially concentrated like the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, which would make secession logistically difficult. The mobilization of the Lezgins in Azerbaijan was at its highest in the mid-1990s, as a result of the Baku's policy of forcibly drafting Lezgin men into the army for deployment in the war in Karabakh. A considerable degree of collective identity was forged during mass demonstrations against the draft, many of which turned violent. With the end of armed conflict in 1994, the protest and mobilization has subsided. The collective identity of Lezgins has not proven to be as strong in the absence of a concrete issue around which to organize collective political action. SOURCE: Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18836 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18836 A compromise peace in Nagorno-Karabakh looks possible but significant stumbling blocks remain. The two sides appear close to agreeing on key principles of a peace deal; it is essential that the governments now begin preparing their people for a compromise. Major elements of the proposed settlement package include: withdrawal of Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh forces from the occupied districts of Azerbaijan surrounding the entity; renunciation by Azerbaijan of the use of force to reintegrate the entity; deployment of international peacekeepers; return of displaced persons; and re-opening of trade and communication links. Nagorno-Karabakh's status should ultimately be determined by an internationally sanctioned referendum with the exclusive participation of Karabakh Armenians and Azeris, but only after the above measures have been implemented. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:39 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18279 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18279 This paper focuses on the trafficking and smuggling of human beings from and through the former Soviet Union. It explores the reasons for the rise in the illegal movement of people; the groups which facilitate it; the demographics of the people who are moved and the business side, including the profits, the disposition of profits and the use of corruption to facilitate the trade. With the disintegration of state control over national territory, this mass movement of people often violates national laws and the national sovereignty of the countries of the Soviet successor states and the countries where the former Soviet citizens move illegally. The paper concludes that this trade mirrors and contributes to the overall downward development of the post-Soviet economies. In contrast, a comparative look at the respective Chinese developments indicates that trade in human beings tends to facilitate the growth of both the Chinese legitimate and illegitimate economies. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17693 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17693 This reports argues that Europe has three sets of inter-related interests in the Caucasus: governance, energy, and security. It is in Europe's interest to see the states of the Caucasus develop into strong sovereign states based on the rule of law, with strengthening democratic institutions and upholding the rights of their citizens. Europe also has an interest in expanding its import of energy from and through the Caucasus, as this serves both Europe's own energy security and the interests of the nations of the Caucasus. Finally, Europe has an increasing interest in the security of the Caucasus, both as security threats in the region affect Europe and as the Caucasus is increasingly important for European states and organizations in global security, primarily through access to Central Asia. SOURCE: Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17695 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17695 Politics in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan, puzzle and frustrate western observers. To varying degrees. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have all been dismissed as authoritarian systems, hostile to democracy and the rights of citizens. Similar concerns have been voiced for Georgia and Armenia. Yet the prescriptions favored by the EU and USA for addressing these supposed pathologies have had little positive effect and may be making matters worse. Given the growing importance of these states, a better understanding of their politics is past due. SOURCE: Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16937 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16937 The presence of Russians in Azerbaijan dates back to the Treaty of Turkmenchai in the early 19th century. Russian immigration came mainly in two distinct waves. The first came in the wake of the Treaty in 1828 when tsarist bureaucrats and religious minorities moved there. The second wave of immigration came in response to the discovery and subsequent development of large oil fields in Azerbaijan during the latter half of the 19th century and throughout the Soviet period. The development of these oil fields and the general industrialization of Azerbaijan brought slavic peoples and other non-Azeris from throughout the empire. Russians in Azerbaijan are very unlikely to take collective political action against the Baku government. Their group identity is weak, they have few collective grievances, little political organization, and no history of collective political action. Nor have they experienced political discrimination or government repression. But their status may change as a result of geopolitical contests in the region. In particular, it is possible that Azeris' resentment of Russians may lead to future discrimination against them. There are two possible sources of increased resentment. First, the Aliyev regime is undemocratic and may look for scapegoats to deflect popular anger about the lack of public benefits from Baku's growing oil wealth. Second, in the late 1990s Azeri elite and public opinion was increasingly hostile to Russia for seeming to taking Armenia's side in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, which nominally remains part of Azerbaijan. SOURCE: Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // University of Maryland Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16629 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16629 The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage. SOURCE: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16654 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16654 Alan Wolfe weighs in on the debate raging in Boston over the Anti-Defamation League's stance on whether there was, in fact, an Armenian genocide in Turkey during WWI. When the ADL's New England regional director recently said, yes, there was genocide, he was summarily fired. The national ADL holds no position official on the genocide or non-genocide itself, but the organization all but opposes a pending Congressional resolution that would label the deaths of some 1.5 million ethnic Armenians a genocide. SOURCE: Foreign Policy Foreign Policy Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14988 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14988 The Caucasus region consists of the new independent states of the Southern Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and the Russian federal region of the Northern Caucasus, including war-torn Chechnya. In the post-Soviet period, it has become one of the most volatile and potentially unstable regions in world politics. Fragile state structures, a series of unresolved or "frozen" secessionist conflicts, and widespread poverty generate popular dissatisfaction and political instability. The region covers a major "fault line" between Christian and Islamic civilizations, and confessional rivalry, together with the rise of Islamic radicalism, have become sources of friction. Despite these inhe#rent challenges, the hydrocarbon reserves of the Caspian basin also have attracted significant great power competitive engagement. The United States and the Russian Federation pursue assertive regional policies in the Caucasus. At present, both Washington and Moscow tend to define their interests in such a way as to ensure that their relationship in the region will be contentious. The questions of access to the oil and natural gas reserves of the Caspian, Russia's role in the geopolitical space of the former Soviet Union, the Western military role in the unstable regions along the Russian Federation's southern flank, and strategies for pursuing a war on terrorism in Inner Asia all have the potential to become serious apples of discord. A zero-sum "Great Game" for leverage in so fragile an area, however, is not in the best interests of either major external actors or the region's peoples. Nor does it accurately reflect the dynamics that could be working to redefine the U.S.-Russian relationship beyond the Cold War. Washington and Moscow should seek to find a modus vivendi that will recast their regional roles within a broader framework that allows for mutually beneficial cooperation in areas of joint interest as well as healthy competition. SOURCE: U.S. Army War College // Strategic Studies Institute U.S. Army War College // Strategic Studies Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15019 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15019 This article examines the Karabakh conflict - one of the most protracted, violent and complicated ethno-territorial conflicts in the post-communist space. It addresses the major obstacles the parties facing towards settlement, and suggests a way to solve the conflict. One of the practical findings is that the Karabakh conflict cannot be solved exclusively on an intra-state level and requires a combination of intra-state measures with inter-state and supra-state measures. Thus, the article advocates a three-step approach to resolution of the conflict - introducing fundamental principles of a solution, which would reduce uncertainty and provide a xe2x80x98road map'; creating a dual power-sharing arrangement, which would be based on equal relationships between Azeris and Armenians at both sub-state (Mountainous Karabakh) and national (Azerbaijan) levels; and combining this power-sharing arrangement with regional and EU integration. SOURCE: Peace, Conflict and Development Peace, Conflict and Development Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15035 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15035 This report is the product of field research and subsequent analysis carried out between July 2004 and July 2005 by a team of researchers from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia as well as Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia across the South Caucasus, facilitated by International Alert. Based on a series of one-to-one interviews and focus groups with a wide range of stakeholders, it examines the connections between corruption and frozen conflicts in the South Caucasus region, exploring corruption on all sides. It is the first systematic study of corruption from the perspective of conflict analysis and the first to include the unrecognised entities of the region. SOURCE: International Alert International Alert Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14862 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14862 Armenia's stability is fragile. Its departure from democratic standards generates domestic unrest, and war with Azerbaijan could easily reignite. Corruption and rule of law violations have disillusioned the population, half of which lives below the poverty line, gradually creating a volatile mix. Ten years after the ceasefire in the militarily successful but economically and politically disastrous war over Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia is not really at peace: the negotiation process is stalled, and there are no mechanisms on the ground to prevent renewed conflict. Armenia enjoys substantial macroeconomic growth but difficult relations with its immediate neighbours have locked it out of all major regional trade deals and east-west pipeline projects, threatening future growth. To protect stability, Armenia needs real peace, a robust approach to democratisation and strengthened rule of law. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:56 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14787 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14787 While Russian legislators moved on December 6 to legalize economic sanctions, South Caucasus countries attempt to decrease reliance on Russian energy and limit the political ties. Azerbaijan announced plans to use more of its own gas reserves and possibly to cut oil deliveries to Russia. Armenia, Moscow's staunch ally, is seeking ways to improve cooperation with the EU and, increasingly, NATO. Georgia, already under heavy Russian sanctions, tries to find alternative energy sources and markets. Notably, the usually passive EU has upgraded its Neighborhood Policy to include peacekeeping. SOURCE: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14661 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14661 The Southern Caucasusxe2x80x94composed of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgiaxe2x80x94has long been a focal point for change, a bridge between Asia and Europe. Today, social, political and economic transformations are altering century-old relationships between countries and communities, affecting and being affected by the natural environment. In the worst case, environmental stress and change could undermine security in the region. In the best, sound environmental management and technical cooperation can be a means for strengthening security in the Southern Caucasus, while promoting sustainable development. What priority actions can be taken to harness the environment for peace? SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Environment Programme // Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe // International Institute for Sustainable Development // United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Environment Programme // Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe // International Institute for Sustainable Development // Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14667 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14667 The oil-rich region of the Caucasus is of strategic importance to Europe. But from vote-rigging in the recent Azerbaijani elections to conflict in Chechnya and the disappointing reality of the Georgian Rose Revolution, instability in the area is rife. SOURCE: Cafe Babel Cafe Babel Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14516 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14516 This page provides an FAQ list on the Armenian Genocide. SOURCE: Armenian National Institute Armenian National Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14517 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14517 A review of "The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-16: Documents Presented to Viscount Grey of Falloden by Viscount Bryce." Includes an analysis of the Armenian Genocide. SOURCE: London Review of Books London Review of Books Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14463 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14463 The classification of internally displaced persons (IDPs) differs from that of refugees in that they are forced to leave their homes, but are not forced to leave their country under the threat of persecution. Correspondingly, international law and aid are less generous in their coverage of IDPs. This has been the case in the South Caucasus in which nearly 1.4 million people h#ave been displaced. The situation in the South Caucasus is discussed in detail and several potential solutions are offered. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14019 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14019 In an effort to make European troops more employable in out-of-area operations, the United States has urged NATO to set goals of having each member nation able to deploy 40 percent of its forces abroad with at least 8 percent of each nation's military actually deployed at any given time. The motivation behind this idea would be to help sustain the ongoing shift from reliance on territorial defenses during the Cold War to expeditionary forces in the post-September 11 era. Even so, this objective may be exceedingly difficult for new NATO members to achieve, given the competing budgetary and political pressures to which they are subjected. SOURCE: Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13970 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13970 Displacement resulting from the territorial conflicts of the former Soviet Union is no longer news. Except for occasional ceasefire violations the conflicts of the South Caucasus region passed into post-violence phases in the mid-1990s, although peace processes have yet to offer much glimmer of hope for their resolution. Yet the legacy of displacement remains long after the international community has moved on to more current crises elsewhere on the planet. Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus has one of the largest populations of internally displaced persons (IDPs) per capita of any state in the world.(1) Some 600,000 Azerbaijanis have lived in internal displacement for over a decade as a result of the territorial conflict in and around Nagorny Karabakh between 1991 and 1994. These are the ethnically Azeri residents of the former Nagorny Karabakh autonomous region, whose Armenian population claims independence from Azerbaijan, and the seven Azerbaijani provinces surrounding it, occupied since the early 1990s in whole or in part by Armenian forces. SOURCE: Amnesty International Amnesty International Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13447 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13447 Eurasia Daily Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation, based in Washington, D.C. Previously known as the Monitor, the Eurasia Daily Monitor addresses the new strategic realities emerging in Eurasia. Contributors include several analysts based on the ground in Eurasia as well as experts based in the United States. Focusing on Eurasia's evolving political and economic landscape, the Eurasia Daily Monitor covers key issues affecting conflict and instability in Eurasia. SOURCE: Jamestown Foundation Jamestown Foundation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12924 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12924 What lessons does the Karabakh peace process have for Georgia's peace processes and vice versa? The absence of tangible results in all three South Caucasian peace processes might at first suggest that none of them necessarily has lessons xe2x80x98exportable' to the others. Yet if we approach the conflicts as continuing to evolve according to shifting political factors - rather than their conceptually inadequate definition as xe2x80x98frozen' - it is clear that the dynamics of change must be different in Karabakh from Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Without concrete results it is impossible to know which dynamics are more conducive to final settlement, yet identification of different dynamics has important implications for the choice of conflict resolution strategies in each case. Thinking laterally about the South Caucasian conflicts also counters the common trend in the region of looking to Moscow or Washington for solutions to local problems. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12928 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12928 In the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia emerged as new states only to experience a decade of armed conflict and economic misery, which overshadowed the high expectations that came with independence. Apart from an interlude of limited independence from 1917-21, Russian rule had defined life and borders in the Caucasus for two centuries, as a result of wars of conquest in the nineteenth century and Soviet rule in the twentieth. With the demise of this rule political structures and economic practices that had long conditioned peoples' lives were undermined and long suppressed aspirations unleashed. Hostility within and between communities degenerated into wars in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorny Karabakh that have yet to be resolved. The Caucasus also experienced a number of coups accompanied by wider civic conflict. Ethnic difference was central to much of this but it would be wrong to call these "ethnic conflicts". They were a consequence of elites and societies grappling with past grievances and# present insecurities, changing power constellations and access to resources in the context of a disintegrating empire and were very much political power struggles. Recognizing the broader issues behind conflicts in the Caucasus helps to explain why they have so far not been resolved and why democracy and development in the region remain a weak insurance against further conflict. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12425 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12425 The ongoing armed conflict in and around the Nagorny Karabakh region of the Republic of Azerbaijan has resulted in the occupation of almost one-fifth of the territory of Azerbaijan and made approximately one out of every eight persons in the country an internally displaced person or refugee. The Government of Azerbaijan's strategy is aimed at the liberation of all occupied territories, the return of forcibly displaced persons to their places of origin, and the establishment of durable peace and stability in the Nagorny Karabakh region as well as in the entire South Caucasus. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12426 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12426 Like any war, the Nagorny Karabakh conflict has wrought numerous significant social changes, including waves of refugees and humanitarian and social crises. However, when addressing change in Armenian and Azerbaijani societies it is useful to distinguish between xe2x80x98post-war' consequences of the conflict and what could be termed xe2x80x98no war, no peace' syndromes relating to the current impasse. The latter include militarization and the integration of combatants into the xe2x80x98peace process', the stalling of democratic development, the internalization of identities of victor (Armenia) and victim (Azerbaijan) and contradictory approaches to mediation. The prevalence of these syndromes and their role in maintaining animosity towards the xe2x80x98enemy' warns against labelling them as xe2x80x98post-war'. On the contrary, they can be seen as syndromes potentially leading to a second round of armed hostilities. This ambiguity is a defining feature of the situation today: while certain radical forces within government and opposition in both states seek to maintain a certain level of public antagonism towards the xe2x80x98other', there is also a need to prevent this condition from reaching crisis point. xe2x80x98Managed antagonism' affords key players certain political dividends, encouraging the deployment of the Karabakh factor in internal political struggles. An important consequence is the perception that it is societies, and not political elites, who are not ready for resolution of the conflict and that hostility and hatred define Azerbaijani-Armenian relations. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12427 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12427 Until very recently international organizations and many Western states rejected engagement with Eurasia's de facto states (Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria) as legitimating ethnic cleansing and undermining the primacy of territorial integrity in Western responses to the formation of post-Soviet states. As a result, the region's de facto states have rarely been looked at through the same approaches of transition and democratization applied to the region's de jure states. Instead of being seen as political environments in their own right, de facto states tend to be seen only in the context of their interactions with external actors and peace processes. This omission has been challenged by some de facto states, which have increasingly used the language of democratization to further their claims to independence. This strategy appears to have resonated with some Western observers. Since 2003, Karabakh Armenian politicians have drawn attention to Nagorny Karabakh's assessment as xe2x80x98partly free' in Freedom House's xe2x80x98Freedom in the World' index. Although the Freedom House index presents a highly simplified system for grading democratic practices, Karabakh crucially scored higher than Azerbaijan, while rivalling Armenia. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12168 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12168 SOURCE: Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12229 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12229 The mandate of the OSCE Office in Yerevan broad, covering all aspects of OSCE activities in the political, economic, environmental and human dimensions. Given this flexible mandate, the Office contributes to the development of democratic institutions in the country, strengthening civil society, promoting OSCE standards and principles. During 2000, the Office has been extensively involved in establishing working relations with the National Assembly, government and civil society and bringing them together. SOURCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12239 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12239 Building strong socio-economic foundations and promoting economic development is one of the major elements of strategic peacebuilding. Since 1999 International Alert has been working with business people from both conflict zones and multinational corporations to help them contribute to the creation of a stable political climate. SOURCE: International Alert International Alert Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10729 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10729 Armenia's president has welcomed a vote by US lawmakers backing the description of the mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks after 1915 as genocide. SOURCE: British Broadcasting Corporation British Broadcasting Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10440 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10440 Conflict history factsheet for Armenia. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10053 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=10053 In the National Assembly (Azgayin Zhoghov), 90 members are elected through a party-list proportional representation system and 41 members are elected by plurality vote in single-member constituencies to serve 5-year terms. SOURCE: Election Guide Election Guide Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9634 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=9634 IHF's annual report on human rights violations in the OSCE. Countries profiled include: Albania, Armenia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Georgia. SOURCE: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:42:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8514 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=8514 SOURCE: HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco