Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Azerbaijan". Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:27 +0000 Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:27 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 15:03:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24389 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24389 The main question at the core of this article is why do certain ethnic conflicts spread violently to neighboring countries and threaten regional stability, while others remain confined to their initial frontiers? Case studies of two ethnic conflicts that, despite having a high potential for regional diffusion, have followed different paths in their evolution, can provide useful insights regarding risk factors that enhance the diffusion potential of ethnic conflicts. The ethnic conflicts involving Serb and Albanian minorities in Macedonia and the conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan were chosen in order to test several exploratory hypotheses. SOURCE: Peace Studies Journal Peace Studies Journal Wed, 26 Mar 2008 09:52:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23107 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23107 Claims that major terrorist acts were foiled in Azerbaijan at the end of 2007 have prompted discussion about the extent to which Islamic extremism is a genuine threat in the oil-rich land. Azerbaijan is a secular state with an overwhelmingly moderate (predominantly Shiite) Muslim population. Since the break-up of the Soviet Union and independence in 1991, independent Sunni and Shiite groups have emerged which refuse the spiritual authority of the official clergy. Some are political, but very few, if any, appear intent on employing violence to overthrow the state. The government, however, expresses concern about these “independents”, and tries to control them, including through repression. Its strategy risks radicalising peaceful activists and believers. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Thu, 20 Mar 2008 15:06:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23072 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23072 Depuis plusieurs mois, le Caucase du Sud semble à nouveau traversé par de vives tensions. Dans l'espace Sud-caucasien s'enchevêtrent plusieurs facteurs et plusieurs niveaux de crise : les crises politiques internes (processus électoraux heurtés dans deux des Etats de la région, la Géorgie et, plus récemment, l'Arménie) et le contexte international (indépendance du Kosovo) sont propices à la résurgence des séparatismes (Ossétie du Sud et Abkhazie) et des conflits interétatiques (Nagorno-Karabakh). Ces événements sont un défi pour la communauté internationale, en particulier pour une Union européenne jusqu'ici impuissante à stabiliser son voisinage et pour une Russie qui éprouve toujours des difficultés à sortir des schémas hérités de l'Empire. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Mon, 25 Feb 2008 11:28:57 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22603 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22603 During the week in which Kosovo declared independence, two important elections took place elsewhere, in Cyprus and Armenia. They attracted far less attention than did events in Kosovo, but they are also likely to influence Europe and its neighboring areas. Furthermore, there is some overlap between the issues raised in these election campaigns and Kosovo’s declaration of independence. While those supporting diplomatic recognition of Kosovar independence insist that it implies no precedent for international recognition of secessionism in other states, in practice concerns are being voiced in other regions about similar problems. Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Armenians, and Azeris are among those looking closely at events in Kosovo and their possible implications. SOURCE: Institute for National Security Studies Institute for National Security Studies Fri, 01 Feb 2008 11:57:33 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22135 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22135 Two states wedged between Europe and Iran are locked in an arms race and preparing for war. The international community, particularly the EU, might be able to slow down Armenia and Azerbaijan’s slide toward another devastating conflict. But it will have to shake off its indifference first. The dispute over the mountainous province of Nagorno-Karabakh does not exactly rank high on the world’s to-do list. It was much the same in 1991, when amid the collapsing Soviet Union, two republics stumbling toward independence fell into an all-out war over this ethnically Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan. SOURCE: European Voice European Voice Thu, 03 Jan 2008 13:30:19 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21633 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21633 A l’occasion de la visite officielle du président d’Azerbaïdjan M. Aliyev en France et à la veille de la tenue à Paris du 3ème Congrès mondial sur la peine de mort, la FIDH et son organisation membre en Azerbaïdjan, Human Rights Centre of Azerbaijan (HRCA), publient un rapport conjoint intitulé « Après l’abolition de la peine capitale, les condamnés à perpétuité en danger de mort. Torture et mauvais traitements dans les prisons d’Azerbaïdjan » Le rapport est le fruit d’une mission internationale d’enquête qui s’est déroulée en Azerbaïdjan du 28 mai au 7 juin 2006. La mission a porté sur la situation après l’abolition de la peine de mort intervenue en 1998. Cette abolition a placé les anciens condamnés à la peine capitale dans une situation d’extrême précarité, et a provoqué un flou juridique quant au statut des 128 personnes qui se trouvaient alors dans les couloirs de la mort. La loi sur l’abolition a remplacé la peine capitale par la peine à perpétuité, notion pourtant inexistante dans le Code pénal de l’époque, tout comme dans le nouveau, adopté en en 2000. SOURCE: Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme & Human Rights Centre of Azerbaijan Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme & Human Rights Centre of Azerbaijan Wed, 14 Nov 2007 12:10:58 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21113 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21113 The report examines the dangers of ignoring the conflict both for the region and for the wider international community. Oil money has given Azerbaijan new self-confidence and the means to upgrade its armed forces. Armenia has done surprisingly well economically and is increasing its own military expenditures. With both countries now building military capacity, neither believes it is time to compromise. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 31 Oct 2007 14:07:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16778 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16778 As NATO has moved from being a primarily military alliance to seeking more political roles, it has become pertinent to consider its impact on democratisation. At first glance, it might seem incongruent even to deliberate on the democracy promotion relevance of an essentially military organisation. But, NATO's successive enlargements have often hinged on the fulfilment of democratic preconditions in aspirant members, while technical assistance provided under the Partnership for Peace (PfP) and other programmes has increasingly focused on the reform of civil-military relations. Assessment is consequently warranted of whether NATO has come to play any positive role in encouraging democratisation across different regions, or whether its impact on political liberalisation has been either marginal or even negative. This paper argues that support for democracy has increasingly infused NATO policies, but that the organisation's role in democracy promotion is circumscribed by strategic considerations; most often an indirect side effect of other aims; and most relevant to the niche area of defence reform. SOURCE: Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20874 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20874 This report analyses the interaction between the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and its political context in the South Caucasus, with particular reference to the frozen conflict over Nagorno Karabakh. It examines a range of conflict actors and assesses the dual potential of the pipeline for conflict reduction or escalation, as well as the possible impact of the changing political status quo on the pipeline itself. SOURCE: International Alert International Alert Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20548 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20548 Democratization research has yet to present a model to compare the political systems of countries experiencing political transitions towards democracy. In turn, the literature is unable to suggest what domestic and international policy options will maximize the chances for stability. This studyxc2x92s goal is to remedy this by presenting a model for exploratory structural analysis of transitioning political systems. We argue that a model based up#on thick description and survey research is most appropriate. This allows for theory building and domestic and international policy prescriptions that take into account the broader political system, which other unstructured case studies deny. In this study, we focus on the Transcaucasus region. The three post-Soviet nations that comprise this region (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) represent excellent cases for analysis due to the fact that each country is experimenting with democratization, is politically unstable, and is a major foreign policy concern of many Western countries, especially the U.S. SOURCE: West Virginia University West Virginia University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20344 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20344 This report discusses Azerbaijan's democratization progress as evidenced by its November 6, 2005, legislative election. It describes the campaign and results and examines implications of this election for Azerbaijani and U.S. interests. This report will not be updated. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19969 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19969 Armenia remains formally at war with neighboring Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh territorial dispute. It also suffers from a seven-year-old economic embargo imposed by Turkey. Except for the European Union-sponsored TRACECA project, aimed at coordinating the development of transit routes between East and West, Armenia has remained on the sidelines of most of the region's major economic projects. The Soviet Union created the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region within Azerbaijan in 1924, when over 94 percent of the region's population was Armenian. The term Nagorno-Karabakh originates from the Russian for "mountainous Karabakh." As the Azerbaijani population grew, the Karabakh Armenians chafed under discriminatory rule, and by 1960 hostilities had begun between the two populations of the region. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19997 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19997 The Caucasus is the theatre of several internal and regional armed conflicts. It is a strategic oil region crossed by pipelines linking the Caspian to the Black Sea, in which Moscow maintains a military presence. The republics of the northern Caucasus are a kaleidoscope of ethno-linguistic families. SOURCE: Le Monde Diplomatique Le Monde Diplomatique Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19939 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19939 Respect for human rights in the November 2005 parliamentary elections in Azerbaijan fell far short of international standards, with serious violations occurring both prior to and on election day. These shortcomings once again underscored the urgent need for major reforms in the areas of freedom of expression and assembly, the electoral law and its implementation, and accountability mechanisms. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19677 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19677 With questions over future prospects for Iraqi oil-the world's second largest reserves after Saudi Arabia-at the forefront of attention, along with widespread instability in the Middle East, the Caspian Basin and its oil and natural gas resources are back on the agenda. The Caspian, along with Russia, West Africa, and Canada, where new discoveries in the tar sands have been made, are the great new potential sources of world energy. These regions are increasingly vital to addressing the need for new energy suppliers and bypassing OPEC members and Persian Gulf states. Although these regions pose significant difficulties in terms of production and export possibilities and would not necessarily be competitive with the Persian Gulf under a low oil price regime, current high crude oil prices combined with the fact that Iraq's production potential will not be restored any time soon make them major commercial contenders. In the Caspian Basin, the difficulty has never been one of supply-the region contains 17 to 33 billion barrels of proven oil reserves and around 232 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.1 It has always been one of overcoming the fact that the Caspian is a landlocked sea and of transporting energy resources to world markets. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the region's limited energy pipeline infrastructure extended only across Russia. The new independent states of the Caucasus and Central Asia were locked into a single set of transportation options to the Black Sea and Europe. Oil and gas exports from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan required building new pipelines. The Caspian region therefore became a focal point in the 1990s, when the first international oil contracts were signed. Because of the sheer size of Caspian energy reserves, and the evident importance of export revenues for the future development of faltering regional economies, Caspian governments transformed pipelines from merely transportation projects into means to achieve political and social objectives. In public debates about Caspian pipelines at both regional and international levels, the commercial interests of companies investing in the actual energy production were sidelined and often seemed strangely secondary or marginal to other considerations. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline project (BTC) provides the best example of this transformation. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19412 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19412 All sides in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict need to prepare their people for peace much better if the seeds of their high-level peace talks are to bear fruit. There is need to counter hate propaganda and unlock the potential for confidence building and dialogue between average Azeris and Armenians. Neither community appears prepared to agree to the kind of settlement being# considered by the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers in the negotiations sponsored by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. There is no way for any peace process to succeed unless leaders from all sides start actively selling the idea to their people. Rising military expenditures and increasing ceasefire violations are ominous signs that time for a peaceful settlement may be running out. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19317 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19317 On 6-7 May 2002, the National Intelligence Council and the Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research sponsored a conference that examined the prospects for resolving regional conflicts involving four states of the former Soviet Union: Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Moldova. The conference brought together outside scholars, regional experts and officials to discuss the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Transnistria. The purpose was not to arrive at a consensus but to deepen understanding of the complex geopolitical dynamics at work in the region. Each of these conflicts has produced isolated societies that engage in mutual recrimination and hold distorted views of developments across the conflict divide. Peace processes have been largely the domain of elites, who often seem to be out of touch with their societies and sometimes act as if they are more intent on consolidating their own positions than resolving the conflict and transforming their societies. Having contributed to the mobilization of their populations against one another, leaders on both sides have become trapped in an adversarial culture that reduces their receptivity to compromise. A variety of mediation strategies, both formal and informal, are required to overcome these obstacles. SOURCE: National Intelligence Council // Central Intelligence Agency National Intelligence Council // Central Intelligence Agency Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19257 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19257 The report reveals that Chechens seeking refuge abroad are facing many obstacles. For example, their very basic right to seek asylum is not always respected: In Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Belarus, Chechens are denied access to the national asylum procedure. Many stay there without any legal rights and almost no humanitarian assistance; Chechens are sometimes denied access to the territory of other states. This happens routinely at the border with Ukraine; EU member states have a widely differing approach to Chechen asylum seekers. Refugee recognition rates vary dramatically within the EU, and the outcome of "the asylum lottery" depends on the country in which the claim has been processed. During the first six months of 2004, the Slovak Republic did not grant asylum to a single person from Russia, while Austria's refugee recognition rate for this group was 96 %. The report raises concern that the system of asylum and integration in new EU states receiving many Chechen asylum seekers, are not up to European standards. It appeals# to "old" EU states to support "new" EU states in providing protection to Chechen asylum seekers. In a recommendation to European states, the Norwegian Refugee Council states that "old" EU states should use the powers they have under the Dublin regulation to examine claims from Chechen asylum seekers lodged on their territory, even if they believe a new member state to be responsible under the Regulations's criteria. SOURCE: Norwegian Refugee Council Norwegian Refugee Council Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18836 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18836 A compromise peace in Nagorno-Karabakh looks possible but significant stumbling blocks remain. The two sides appear close to agreeing on key principles of a peace deal; it is essential that the governments now begin preparing their people for a compromise. Major elements of the proposed settlement package include: withdrawal of Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh forces from the occupied districts of Azerbaijan surrounding the entity; renunciation by Azerbaijan of the use of force to reintegrate the entity; deployment of international peacekeepers; return of displaced persons; and re-opening of trade and communication links. Nagorno-Karabakh's status should ultimately be determined by an internationally sanctioned referendum with the exclusive participation of Karabakh Armenians and Azeris, but only after the above measures have been implemented. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18856 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18856 An 8-page German commentary describing the mounting political crisis facing the president of Azerbaijan. SOURCE: German Institute for International and Security Affairs German Institute for International and Security Affairs Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18904 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18904 Since independence in 1991, Azerbaijan has ratified all the major international human rights treaties and the European Convention on Human Rights, but its human rights record has been consistently poor. Notably, though, successive governments have made small, positive changes in response to pressure from their European and United States partners, particularly in the areas of legislative reform and releases of political prisoners. An example of this is the series of releases of political prisoners in 2004 and 2005 in response to pressure from the Council of Europe. In recent years, Azerbaijan has received increasing attention from Europe and the United States, accompanied by increased aid allocations and defense and other cooperation. The Azerbaijani government recognizes and seeks the benefits of developing closer relations with Europe and the United States. This suggests that the relationship with the E.U. can be an important lever in prevailing on the Azerbaijani government to pursue reform in law and in practice. Thus far, however, the international community has not provided Azerbaijan with sufficient incentive to carry out serious reforms that would ensure compliance with the standards to which it has committed itself. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18769 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18769 Conflict history factsheet for Nagorno-Karabakh (Azerbaijan). SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 Countries rich in natural resources are often cursed by corruption, conflict, poor economic growth, low levels of child welfare and other problems. The report explores the reasons underlying the paradoxical link between mineral wealth and child poverty in countries such as Azerbaijan, Colombia, Nigeria, Sudan and Venezuela. Drawing from the experience of these countries and the success stories of Botswana and Norway, it focuses on positive, practical and achievable approaches that key actors can use to lift the 'resource curse' and improve the impact of the extractive industry on children and the rest of their societies. SOURCE: Save the Children Save the Children Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17693 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17693 This reports argues that Europe has three sets of inter-related interests in the Caucasus: governance, energy, and security. It is in Europe's interest to see the states of the Caucasus develop into strong sovereign states based on the rule of law, with strengthening democratic institutions and upholding the rights of their citizens. Europe also has an interest in expanding its import of energy from and through the Caucasus, as this serves both Europe's own energy security and the interests of the nations of the Caucasus. Finally, Europe has an increasing interest in the security of the Caucasus, both as security threats in the region affect Europe and as the Caucasus is increasingly important for European states and organizations in global security, primarily through access to Central Asia. SOURCE: Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17695 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17695 Politics in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan, puzzle and frustrate western observers. To varying degrees. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have all been dismissed as authoritarian systems, hostile to democracy and the rights of citizens. Similar concerns have been voiced for Georgia and Armenia. Yet the prescriptions favored by the EU and USA for addressing these supposed pathologies have had little positive effect and may be making matters worse. Given the growing importance of these states, a better understanding of their politics is past due. SOURCE: Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Central Asia Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16921 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16921 As a Caspian littoral state, Azerbaijan is capitalizing upon the Sea's sizeable, but still mostly untapped, hydrocarbon resources. Azerbaijan's real gross domestic product (GDP) grew by an impressive 26 percent to $13 billion in 2005 as foreign investors pushed ahead with major projects in Azerbaijan (see Azerbaijan Production Sharing Agreements for more information). Foreign direct investment in the country contracted from $2.3 billion in 2004 to just under $500 million in 2005 largely due to the completion of construction on the BTC pipeline in Azerbaijan. In the next couple years favorable real GDP growth is expected, but maintaining low inflation rates as energy and transit revenues flow into the country represents a major challenge. SOURCE: Energy Information Administration Energy Information Administration Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16629 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16629 The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage. SOURCE: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16519 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16519 Mine risk education (MRE) is considered to be one of the key components of mine action throughout the world. It is the first step in reducing mine/UXO injury and death rates through dissemination of safe-behavior messages and rules among the population in contaminated and nearby areas. According to the Azerbaijan Mine Action Programme, MRE should be supported by and integrated with other forthcoming mine-related activities in Azerbaijan. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) MRE program in Azerbaijan is funded by the U.S. Department of State. It has been implemented and coordinated in close cooperation with the Azerbaijan National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA) since 2000. As a result of that program, the general interest and positive attitude of local people towards MRE have significantly increased. Even children have become more sensitive and have started reporting to local authorities any dangerous items they encounter. SOURCE: Mine Action Information Center // James Madison University Mine Action Information Center // James Madison University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14988 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14988 The Caucasus region consists of the new independent states of the Southern Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and the Russian federal region of the Northern Caucasus, including war-torn Chechnya. In the post-Soviet period, it has become one of the most volatile and potentially unstable regions in world politics. Fragile state structures, a series of unresolved or "frozen" secessionist conflicts, and widespread poverty generate popular dissatisfaction and political instability. The region covers a major "fault line" between Christian and Islamic civilizations, and confessional rivalry, together with the rise of Islamic radicalism, have become sources of friction. Despite these inhe#rent challenges, the hydrocarbon reserves of the Caspian basin also have attracted significant great power competitive engagement. The United States and the Russian Federation pursue assertive regional policies in the Caucasus. At present, both Washington and Moscow tend to define their interests in such a way as to ensure that their relationship in the region will be contentious. The questions of access to the oil and natural gas reserves of the Caspian, Russia's role in the geopolitical space of the former Soviet Union, the Western military role in the unstable regions along the Russian Federation's southern flank, and strategies for pursuing a war on terrorism in Inner Asia all have the potential to become serious apples of discord. A zero-sum "Great Game" for leverage in so fragile an area, however, is not in the best interests of either major external actors or the region's peoples. Nor does it accurately reflect the dynamics that could be working to redefine the U.S.-Russian relationship beyond the Cold War. Washington and Moscow should seek to find a modus vivendi that will recast their regional roles within a broader framework that allows for mutually beneficial cooperation in areas of joint interest as well as healthy competition. SOURCE: U.S. Army War College // Strategic Studies Institute U.S. Army War College // Strategic Studies Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15005 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15005 As with previous elections, Azerbaijan failed to demonstrate commitment to democracy and reform in its 6 November parliamentary vote. Instead, there was fraud nationwide. The international community should make it clear to President Ilham Aliyev that the quality of relations depends on movement toward genuine democracy, and it should continue pressing for a democratic outcome of the 2005 elections. If the governm#ent does not continue to take steps to redress election violations, and particularly if it uses violence or arrests against peaceful opposition demonstrators, the following actions should be considered: by the EU, putting on hold its talks with the government about its new Action Plan; by the U.S. and others, initiating a diplomatic embargo on high-level visits; and by the Council of Europe, taking steps toward suspending Azerbaijan's membership. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15017 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15017 The landmine/unexploded ordinance (UXO) problem in Azerbaijan can be divided into the areas of Azerbaijan that are still under the occupation of Armenian forces and those areas that have been liberated. The project is designed to create indigenous capacity to undertake survey, mapping and clearance in currently liberated areas and to prepare for dealing with the UXO problem in occupied areas after their liberation. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15019 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15019 This article examines the Karabakh conflict - one of the most protracted, violent and complicated ethno-territorial conflicts in the post-communist space. It addresses the major obstacles the parties facing towards settlement, and suggests a way to solve the conflict. One of the practical findings is that the Karabakh conflict cannot be solved exclusively on an intra-state level and requires a combination of intra-state measures with inter-state and supra-state measures. Thus, the article advocates a three-step approach to resolution of the conflict - introducing fundamental principles of a solution, which would reduce uncertainty and provide a xe2x80x98road map'; creating a dual power-sharing arrangement, which would be based on equal relationships between Azeris and Armenians at both sub-state (Mountainous Karabakh) and national (Azerbaijan) levels; and combining this power-sharing arrangement with regional and EU integration. SOURCE: Peace, Conflict and Development Peace, Conflict and Development Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15035 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15035 This report is the product of field research and subsequent analysis carried out between July 2004 and July 2005 by a team of researchers from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia as well as Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia across the South Caucasus, facilitated by International Alert. Based on a series of one-to-one interviews and focus groups with a wide range of stakeholders, it examines the connections between corruption and frozen conflicts in the South Caucasus region, exploring corruption on all sides. It is the first systematic study of corruption from the perspective of conflict analysis and the first to include the unrecognised entities of the region. SOURCE: International Alert International Alert Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14835 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14835 Azerbaijan can rightly claim to be among the most progressive and secular Islamic societies. Aside from having been the first Muslim country to have operas, theater plays, and a democratic republic, Azerbaijan today is among the Muslim countries where support for secularism is the highest, and where radical ideologies have met only very limited interest. This is all the more remarkable as Azerbaijan has by no means been peripheral to the world of Islam. It was invaded by Islamic armies only decades after the death of the Prophet Muhammad, and was subsequently gradually Islamized. It was an Azerbaijani dynasty, the Safavids, who made Shi'a Islam the state religion of Iran. Yet even before Soviet atheism, Azerbaijan saw the rise of a secular intelligentsia that had little interest in religion aside from a marker of cultural identity. This trend has continued after Azerbaijan's independence, and considerably affected its foreign relations. While wary of Iran, Azerbaijan has looked to the West for support and for inspiration. Indeed, in a world where anti-Americanism is rife not only in Muslim countries but in both Europe and Latin America, surveys still report a majority of Azerbaijanis being favorably inclined towards the U.S. Most westerners, visiting Baku, marvel at the secular and western nature of cosmopolitan Baku. Yet in the past several years, Islam has clearly made a come-back in Azerbaijan. This has been a generally benign and positive factor, providing a reconnection to values and traditions for a nation liberated from seventy years of atheism and Russification policies before that. Accompanied to this has nevertheless also been a rise of radical Islamic groups, many of which guided by external influences. SOURCE: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Central Asia-Caucasus Institute // Silk Road Studies Program Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:56 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14787 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14787 While Russian legislators moved on December 6 to legalize economic sanctions, South Caucasus countries attempt to decrease reliance on Russian energy and limit the political ties. Azerbaijan announced plans to use more of its own gas reserves and possibly to cut oil deliveries to Russia. Armenia, Moscow's staunch ally, is seeking ways to improve cooperation with the EU and, increasingly, NATO. Georgia, already under heavy Russian sanctions, tries to find alternative energy sources and markets. Notably, the usually passive EU has upgraded its Neighborhood Policy to include peacekeeping. SOURCE: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14661 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14661 The Southern Caucasusxe2x80x94composed of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgiaxe2x80x94has long been a focal point for change, a bridge between Asia and Europe. Today, social, political and economic transformations are altering century-old relationships between countries and communities, affecting and being affected by the natural environment. In the worst case, environmental stress and change could undermine security in the region. In the best, sound environmental management and technical cooperation can be a means for strengthening security in the Southern Caucasus, while promoting sustainable development. What priority actions can be taken to harness the environment for peace? SOURCE: United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Environment Programme // Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe // International Institute for Sustainable Development // United Nations // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Environment Programme // Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe // International Institute for Sustainable Development // Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14667 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14667 The oil-rich region of the Caucasus is of strategic importance to Europe. But from vote-rigging in the recent Azerbaijani elections to conflict in Chechnya and the disappointing reality of the Georgian Rose Revolution, instability in the area is rife. SOURCE: Cafe Babel Cafe Babel Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14463 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14463 The classification of internally displaced persons (IDPs) differs from that of refugees in that they are forced to leave their homes, but are not forced to leave their country under the threat of persecution. Correspondingly, international law and aid are less generous in their coverage of IDPs. This has been the case in the South Caucasus in which nearly 1.4 million people h#ave been displaced. The situation in the South Caucasus is discussed in detail and several potential solutions are offered. SOURCE: Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14019 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14019 In an effort to make European troops more employable in out-of-area operations, the United States has urged NATO to set goals of having each member nation able to deploy 40 percent of its forces abroad with at least 8 percent of each nation's military actually deployed at any given time. The motivation behind this idea would be to help sustain the ongoing shift from reliance on territorial defenses during the Cold War to expeditionary forces in the post-September 11 era. Even so, this objective may be exceedingly difficult for new NATO members to achieve, given the competing budgetary and political pressures to which they are subjected. SOURCE: Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13928 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13928 In the five years since the Sept. 11 attacks, the Bush administration has solidified a trend of supplying high technology weapons and millions of dollars in military assistance to allies in the "war on terror." Support for the United States - either in its quest to stamp out international terrorist networks, or for its operations in Iraq and Afghanistan - seems to take precedence over other criteria usually taken into account when the United States considers an arms transfer. According to standing tenets of U.S. arms export policy, arms transfers should not undermine long-term security and stability, weaken democratic movements, support military coups, escalate arms races, exacerbate ongoing conflicts, cause arms build-ups in unstable regions, or be used to commit human rights abuses. However, in the last five years, the Bush administration has demonstrated a willingness to provide weapons and military training to weak and failing states and countries that have been repeatedly criticized by the U.S. State Department for human rights violations, lack of democracy, and even support of terrorism. To thoroughly evaluate and analyze this trend of increased military assistance, the Challenging Conve#ntional Threats project at CDI has, since 2001, profiled countries that have a unique role in the "war on terror," through the strategic services they have provided to the United States as it conducts anti-terror operations across the globe. The series features analysis of the current political situations in the profiled countries, taking into account other indicators of the relative stability and openness of the country, such as military expenditures, total number of armed forces, and the human rights situation as assessed by the U.S. State Department, alongside an evaluation of U.S. military assistance to these countries over the past 17 years - the post-Cold War years. SOURCE: Center for Defense Information Center for Defense Information Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13447 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13447 Eurasia Daily Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation, based in Washington, D.C. Previously known as the Monitor, the Eurasia Daily Monitor addresses the new strategic realities emerging in Eurasia. Contributors include several analysts based on the ground in Eurasia as well as experts based in the United States. Focusing on Eurasia's evolving political and economic landscape, the Eurasia Daily Monitor covers key issues affecting conflict and instability in Eurasia. SOURCE: Jamestown Foundation Jamestown Foundation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13254 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13254 Almost 13 years after the signing of a ceasefire agreement, there are still some 690,000 people internally displaced in Azerbaijan from Nagorno-Karabakh, a self-proclaimed independent state within the territory of Azerbaijan, and its adjacent districts. There are also an estimated 30,000 mainly Armenian displaced persons in Nagorno-Karabakh who arrived from other regions of Azerbaijan. People fled their homes as a result of a territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh in 1988, which quickly escalated into an armed conflict with an ethnic basis. After the two parties agreed to a ceasefire in 1994, negotiations between Azerbaijan and Armenia on resolving the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh have been continuing, and although the two parties have come closer to an agreement on some issues, a number of impasses remain. The Azeri government has demonstrated significantly more political will in allocating financial and human resources to address the needs of displaced persons in recent years. IDPs living in the harshest conditions have been resettled to over 10,000 new houses in 45 settlements since 2001. While this initiative has improved the living conditions for some IDPs, the sustainability of their resettlement is questionable since some houses are within close proximity of ongoing hostilities, there are few income-generating activities in the settlement areas, IDPs do not own the houses they are given, which are sometimes of poor quality, the land is not always suitable for agriculture and essential medical and sanitation services are often absent. Many of those IDPs who have not been resettled continue to live in deplorable conditions in public buildings, hostels and mud houses and face obstacles to local integration such as compulsory double registration requirements and segregated education. Although the government resettlement programme has improved housing conditions of some IDPs, many challenges remain. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12906 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12906 This Human Rights Watch report documents the pre-election, election-day, and post-election violations of human rights in Azerbaijan. The report calls on the government to release those opposition supporters who have been arbitrarily arrested, to investigate acts of torture alleged by those arrested in the aftermath of the election, and to conduct a special investigation of police units which have been implicated in torture in the post-election period. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12924 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12924 What lessons does the Karabakh peace process have for Georgia's peace processes and vice versa? The absence of tangible results in all three South Caucasian peace processes might at first suggest that none of them necessarily has lessons xe2x80x98exportable' to the others. Yet if we approach the conflicts as continuing to evolve according to shifting political factors - rather than their conceptually inadequate definition as xe2x80x98frozen' - it is clear that the dynamics of change must be different in Karabakh from Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Without concrete results it is impossible to know which dynamics are more conducive to final settlement, yet identification of different dynamics has important implications for the choice of conflict resolution strategies in each case. Thinking laterally about the South Caucasian conflicts also counters the common trend in the region of looking to Moscow or Washington for solutions to local problems. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12928 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12928 In the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia emerged as new states only to experience a decade of armed conflict and economic misery, which overshadowed the high expectations that came with independence. Apart from an interlude of limited independence from 1917-21, Russian rule had defined life and borders in the Caucasus for two centuries, as a result of wars of conquest in the nineteenth century and Soviet rule in the twentieth. With the demise of this rule political structures and economic practices that had long conditioned peoples' lives were undermined and long suppressed aspirations unleashed. Hostility within and between communities degenerated into wars in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorny Karabakh that have yet to be resolved. The Caucasus also experienced a number of coups accompanied by wider civic conflict. Ethnic difference was central to much of this but it would be wrong to call these "ethnic conflicts". They were a consequence of elites and societies grappling with past grievances and# present insecurities, changing power constellations and access to resources in the context of a disintegrating empire and were very much political power struggles. Recognizing the broader issues behind conflicts in the Caucasus helps to explain why they have so far not been resolved and why democracy and development in the region remain a weak insurance against further conflict. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12425 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12425 The ongoing armed conflict in and around the Nagorny Karabakh region of the Republic of Azerbaijan has resulted in the occupation of almost one-fifth of the territory of Azerbaijan and made approximately one out of every eight persons in the country an internally displaced person or refugee. The Government of Azerbaijan's strategy is aimed at the liberation of all occupied territories, the return of forcibly displaced persons to their places of origin, and the establishment of durable peace and stability in the Nagorny Karabakh region as well as in the entire South Caucasus. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12426 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12426 Like any war, the Nagorny Karabakh conflict has wrought numerous significant social changes, including waves of refugees and humanitarian and social crises. However, when addressing change in Armenian and Azerbaijani societies it is useful to distinguish between xe2x80x98post-war' consequences of the conflict and what could be termed xe2x80x98no war, no peace' syndromes relating to the current impasse. The latter include militarization and the integration of combatants into the xe2x80x98peace process', the stalling of democratic development, the internalization of identities of victor (Armenia) and victim (Azerbaijan) and contradictory approaches to mediation. The prevalence of these syndromes and their role in maintaining animosity towards the xe2x80x98enemy' warns against labelling them as xe2x80x98post-war'. On the contrary, they can be seen as syndromes potentially leading to a second round of armed hostilities. This ambiguity is a defining feature of the situation today: while certain radical forces within government and opposition in both states seek to maintain a certain level of public antagonism towards the xe2x80x98other', there is also a need to prevent this condition from reaching crisis point. xe2x80x98Managed antagonism' affords key players certain political dividends, encouraging the deployment of the Karabakh factor in internal political struggles. An important consequence is the perception that it is societies, and not political elites, who are not ready for resolution of the conflict and that hostility and hatred define Azerbaijani-Armenian relations. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12427 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12427 Until very recently international organizations and many Western states rejected engagement with Eurasia's de facto states (Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria) as legitimating ethnic cleansing and undermining the primacy of territorial integrity in Western responses to the formation of post-Soviet states. As a result, the region's de facto states have rarely been looked at through the same approaches of transition and democratization applied to the region's de jure states. Instead of being seen as political environments in their own right, de facto states tend to be seen only in the context of their interactions with external actors and peace processes. This omission has been challenged by some de facto states, which have increasingly used the language of democratization to further their claims to independence. This strategy appears to have resonated with some Western observers. Since 2003, Karabakh Armenian politicians have drawn attention to Nagorny Karabakh's assessment as xe2x80x98partly free' in Freedom House's xe2x80x98Freedom in the World' index. Although the Freedom House index presents a highly simplified system for grading democratic practices, Karabakh crucially scored higher than Azerbaijan, while rivalling Armenia. SOURCE: Conciliation Resources Conciliation Resources Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12492 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12492 The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) welcomes the opportunity to comment on the Draft Principles on Housing and Property Restitution for Refugees and Displaced Persons (Draft Principles). Our input is based on our own experiences of attempting to uphold this right through our Information Counselling and Legal Assistance programs (ICLA) in more than a dozen countries around the world. SOURCE: Norwegian Refugee Council Norwegian Refugee Council Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:43:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12497 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=12497 The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) welcomes the opportunity to comment on the Draft Principles on Housing and Property Restitution for Refugees and Displaced Persons (Draft Principles). Our input is based on our own experiences of attempting to uphold this right through our Information Counselling and Legal Assistance programs (ICLA) in more than a dozen countries around the world. SOURCE: Norwegian Refugee Council Norwegian Refugee Council