Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Algeria". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:19 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:19 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Wed, 14 May 2008 13:22:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24358 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24358 Si le nombre total de cas de VIH notifiés reste modeste (à l’exception du Soudan), les chiffres sont en hausse dans plusieurs pays, en raison notamment de l’élargissement des activités de dépistage du VIH. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Thu, 08 May 2008 14:32:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24243 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24243 À Alger, le 11 décembre 2007, un double attentat, revendiqué par El Qaïda Maghreb islamique, frappe des immeubles de l’ONU, la Cour suprême et le Conseil constitutionnel : le bilan est d’au moins 67 morts. Comme pour les massacres de civils revendiqués par le GIA (Groupement islamique armé) durant la guerre civile, des doutes sont formulés aujourd’hui sur les attentats-suicides. Pour certains, les groupes terroristes sont infiltrés par les services de renseignement qui les manipulent, pour d’autres, les groupes terroristes sont des créations des services de renseignements! SOURCE: Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Thu, 01 May 2008 12:59:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24059 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24059 Algerians no longer live in fear of being killed by radical Islamists at faux barrages (makeshift roadblocks) or of being “disappeared” by “ninjas” — hooded policemen who break down front doors and take occupants away, never to return. This is a remarkable achievement in a country that during the 1990s was synonymous with horrendous violence perpetrated both by Islamist radicals and by security forces. Algeria has regained stability, with radical Islamism no longer a fundamental threat to security across the country. The virtual quarantine in which the country was confined during the mid-1990s has been lifted. It is also increasingly opening up to foreign investment. Algerians have enjoyed a period of peace and relative prosperity, despite occasional flare-ups of violence. During the presidency of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who took office in 1999, Algeria has transitioned from civil war, state failure, and moral decay to stability. SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Wed, 30 Apr 2008 11:40:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23996 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23996 Depuis la première guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), les pays arabes du Proche-Orient et du Maghreb ont connu une succession de bouleversements qui, partout ailleurs, auraient déstabilisé bien des pouvoirs. Pourtant, la plupart ont réussi à maintenir des structures archaïques que ni la seconde guerre mondiale ni la décolonisation n’avaient fait disparaître. Une opposition efficace peine à émerger alors que les dirigeants tentent de se refaire une virginité aux yeux du monde. SOURCE: Centre Tricontinental Centre Tricontinental Wed, 30 Apr 2008 10:16:39 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23984 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23984 One of the most remarkable archive sequences we came across while researching the Age of Terror programme, features a seven-year-old Algerian boy called Abdelkahar Belhadj. He is seen addressing a political rally of thousands in 1991 with all the confidence and fire of a mature adult. In 2007, 16 years later, we watched another clip, a propaganda video announcing the launch of al-Qaeda in North Africa featuring non other than Abdelkahar Belhadj, now a fully-fledged jihadi. SOURCE: BBC News BBC News Tue, 29 Apr 2008 10:37:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23964 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23964 An estimated 30 individuals, presumed to be members of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), raided a bar near the city of Tizi Ouzou in the mountainous Kabylie region of Algeria on April 6 (Liberté, April 9). The men reportedly robbed the bar’s owner and patrons of 15,000 dinars and proceeded to destroy window panes, liquor bottles and furnishings. A similar event reportedly occurred in the town of Tadmait just days earlier. Additionally, on April 5, an off-duty policeman was killed at a fake roadblock, also near Tizi Ouzou (El Watan, April 6). Immediately following the incident, vehicle passengers stopped at the roadblock were given material depicting recent AQIM activities in the Kabylie region. SOURCE: Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:47:10 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23749 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23749 Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international Centre de recherches pour le développement international Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:38:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747 Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international Centre de recherches pour le développement international Tue, 01 Apr 2008 11:49:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23282 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23282 I draw a geographically and temporally disaggregated model of the location and course of the Algerian civil war, using new battle event and location data from press reports. I show that the war was located in areas and at moments in time in which both the rebels and the government were about equally strong, according to my novel relative strength index. Additional factors that can robustly predict high location-specific war intensity are the severity of violence at a location in the past period, and unemployment. Finally, violence is unlikely to take place in unpopulated areas. SOURCE: Households in Conflict Network Households in Conflict Network Tue, 25 Mar 2008 15:40:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23104 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23104 Following the collapse of the Soviet Empire, the new world order did not bring about a closure of revolutionary warfare. In fact, the Soviet-inspired wars of liberation against imperialism have been eclipsed by reactionary, jihadist wars. By all indications in Afghanistan, Chechnya, Somalia, and Iraq, Islamic militants have embraced revolutionary warfare, although not Mao’s People’s War model. Therefore, a study of revolutionary warfare is apt because the conflict between the West and radical jihadism will continue to take place in dysfunctional, collapsing, or failed states. The author examines the political-military lessons from these conflicts and suggests that the United States should minimize the level and type of assistance to states fighting in an insurgency because these states possess greater advantages than previously supposed. SOURCE: Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College Thu, 20 Mar 2008 15:38:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23074 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23074 Agacés d’être perçus comme une menace, les États de la rive sud de la Méditerranée risquent d’opposer une fin de non-recevoir à la présidence française de l’Union européenne si celle-ci s’aventurait un peu trop ostensiblement sur ce terrain. Mais c’est bien de cela dont il s’agit, en partie, derrière ce vaste chantier. Perverti et trop souvent invoqué de manière irréfléchie, le concept de sécurité reste néanmoins un objectif dont découle la réalisation concomitante des autres aspects du projet de la présidence française. L’idée de la sécurité n’existe pas sans les usages dont elle fait l’objet. Si la définition minimaliste de la sécurité est « l’absence de menaces, ou de craintes de menaces, sur les valeurs centrales », reste à déterminer ce à quoi l’on se réfère : aux États membres, à l’Union méditerranéenne en tant que telle, aux individus qui composent les différentes populations ? Par ailleurs, à quelles menaces s’agit-il de faire face : les menaces militaires et/ou non militaires (économiques, environnementales, pertes d’identité…) ? Bien qu’elles puissent apparaître comme le fruit d’une construction intellectuelle sans fondement concret, ces questions sont au coeur du projet d’Union de la Méditerranée comme elles ont été le fondement des multiples initiatives de part et d’autre de la « mare nostrum ». L’absence d’entente entre les parties prenantes sur l’étendue que doit couvrir ce volet risque de faire de l’Union méditerranéenne, au mieux une construction institutionnelle parmi d’autres, au pire un échec de plus dans cette région du monde, avec les conséquences humaines que l’on devine. SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Fri, 22 Feb 2008 10:17:27 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22563 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22563 Lors de la guerre qui l’opposa au mouvement nationaliste armé luttant pour l’indépendance de l'Algérie (1954-1962), la France recourut massivement à la torture. Celle-ci fut essentiellement justifiée par le terrorisme utilisé par le Front de Libération Nationale, alors que cette violence terroriste n’était ni l’essentiel de l’action des nationalistes ni la cible réelle de l’armée française. L’étude des méthodes employées et des buts poursuivis permet en effet de remettre en cause cette justification, en éclairant le fonctionnement réel de la torture dans une guerre de cette nature. Cela alors même que la guerre d'Algérie a pu être présentée comme un modèle pour de nombreuses situations conflictuelles ultérieures. SOURCE: Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Fri, 01 Feb 2008 15:45:52 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22172 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22172 Le bilan officiel des attentats perpétrés mardi à Alger et revendiqués par Al-Qaida était hier de «30 morts, dont 5 étrangers, et 28 blessés hospitalisés», selon le ministre algérien des affaires étrangères Mourad Medelci. Des sources hospitalières faisaient état d'un bilan beaucoup plus lourd. SOURCE: Institut Français des Relations Internationales Institut Français des Relations Internationales Fri, 01 Feb 2008 11:36:02 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22131 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22131 Le Comité de Coordination des Peuples Autochtones d'Afrique (IPACC) est un réseau d'organisations des peuples autochtones d'Afrique. C'est une organisation regroupant des membres adhérents. Toute organisation légitime composée de peuples autochtones africains peut présenter une demande d'adhésion à l'IPACC. D'autres associations opérant dans les domaines du développement, droits de l'homme ou droits autochtones, peuvent présenter une demande d'adhésion en tant qu'associées (sans droit de vote). Les membres élisent un Comité Exécutif représentant cinq régions d'Afrique auquel s'ajoute une représentante régionale des femmes autochtones. Les peuples autochtones sahélo-sahariens jouèrent un rôle prépondérant dans la naissance de cet outils qu’est l’IPACC. En effet le Sahel et le Sahara comptent en leur sein des peuples très militants qui, dans la même période étaient en armes contre le Niger, le Mali et le Tchad, pour la prise en compte de leurs identités dans ces jeunes pays nés de la décolonisation des années 60. Ces peuples sont : les touareg (nom donné à la partie sud de la nation AMAZIGH qui couvre tout le nord de l’Afrique), les Toubous, les peuls Woodaabè et les Ogoni du delta du Niger au Nigeria. SOURCE: Le Comité de Coordination des Peuples Autochtones d'Afrique Le Comité de Coordination des Peuples Autochtones d'Afrique Fri, 25 Jan 2008 11:38:22 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22027 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=22027 Il est incontestable que le pouvoir algérien a usé de tous les registres, dont les plus criminels, pour s’assurer le soutien des dirigeants français dans sa politique d’éradication de toute contestation populaire. Il est tout aussi évident que ces derniers ont poussé loin la complaisance à l’égard des putschistes algériens, approuvant certaines de leurs opérations spectaculaires, collaborant même à leur mise en Å“uvre afin de justifier leur appui au régime contrôlé par les militaires, et de s’assurer la caution de l’opinion française. SOURCE: Association internationale de recherche sur les crimes contre l'humanité et les génocides Association internationale de recherche sur les crimes contre l'humanité et les génocides Wed, 02 Jan 2008 15:52:45 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21604 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21604 Despite passing considerable economic and social reforms Arab regimes continue to avoid substantive political reforms that would jeopardize their own power. Reformers in ruling establishments recognize the need for change to increase economic competitiveness, but the preferred process of “managed reform” is leading to further political stagnation, says a new paper from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. In Incumbent Regimes and the “King’s Dilemma” in the Arab World: Promise and Threat of Managed Reform, Carnegie Senior Associates Marina Ottaway and Michele Dunne argue that emerging, reform-minded leaders in Arab nations face a dilemma—globalization and better public access to information are prompting calls for modernization, yet history shows that even limited reforms introduced from the top often increase, rather than decrease, bottom-up demand for more radical change, as in the case of the Iranian revolution. To contend with this threat, Arab regimes are attempting to control the process of change through “managed reforms”: the introduction of formal, institutional reform without the transfer of real power (Bahrain and Egypt); substantive improvements in citizens’ rights without institutional reform (Morocco); or the limited participation of legitimate opposition groups (Yemen and Algeria). SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Wed, 02 Jan 2008 14:55:17 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21587 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21587 In December 2006, the U.S. Army published its new counterinsurgency (COIN) Field Manual (FM 3-24). FM 3-24 is the much-anticipated capstone doctrinal COIN guide for the U.S. Army and Marine Corps. Its intent is “to fill a doctrinal gap,” for fighting COIN by delivering “a manual that provides principles and guidelines for counterinsurgency operations.” The importance of developing a coherent, interdisciplinary approach that helps to fill the “doctrinal” and capability gaps facing the U.S. military in the asymmetrical warfare spectrum, including COIN, cannot be overstated. In light of this, how well do the new guidelines in FM 3-24 for conducting a COIN campaign align with historical and social science lessons on counterinsurgency? FM 3-24 outlines U.S. COIN doctrine in the form of strategies called Logical Lines of Operation (LLOs). With this in mind, are there cases in the Middle East where FM 3-24’s LLOs have been applied and produced their intended effects? If they were not used and the state power’s desired “endstate” was achieved, what strategies were used to achieve the COIN campaign objectives? This thesis assess the extent to which the field manual aligns with insights and practices from historical COIN campaigns in the Middle East as well as assess the new doctrine’s ability to supply the United States with a COIN strategy which incorporates insights and conclusions from academia. Our findings indicate that FM 3-24 is a necessary step in developing an effective and coherent U.S. approach to COIN. However, it fails to incorporate some more contemporary social movement theory explanations into its strategies. For example, it fails to recognize the relative importance political inclusion in counterinsurgency strategies versus other variables, such as security, as a primary means of success in counterinsurgency campaigns. SOURCE: Naval Postgraduate School Naval Postgraduate School Wed, 19 Dec 2007 09:41:00 -0800 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21437 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=21437 Although Algeria has been affected by large-scale internal displacement caused by the internal conflict that has ravaged the country since the early 1990s, very little information is available on the current situation of the displaced and their numbers. The European Union estimated in 2002 that violence had displaced one million people, while others put the number as high as 1.5 million. According to government sources, all internally displaced people (IDPs) have returned home. However, no detailed accounts and statistics on the return have been published. IDMC is currently in contact with the Algerian Government and an update will be issued when more information becomes available. While security has steadily improved in the past few years, potential obstacles to finding durable solutions for IDPs seem to persist with access to livelihoods remaining the major concern. Moreover, as confirmed by the April and December 2007 bombings in the capital Algiers and by a number of other security incidents throughout 2007, clashes continue between the Algerian security forces and remaining armed groups, notably the organisation called “al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb”. This latest resurgence in violence seems at the same time to challenge the process of national reconciliation promoted by President Bouteflika and approved by the Algerian people in a 2005 referendum. Several newspapers have reported on the return home of families displaced by the conflict. No reports, however, have been found on the level of integration of IDPs in their areas of displacement, or on their voluntary resettlement. Comprehensive surveys will be needed to assess whether displacement has come to an end and IDPs have attained a durable solution. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20889 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20889 On June 26-28, 2005, the Geneva Centre for Security Policy and the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy held their sixth annual conference in Gstaad, Switzerland. The conference was devoted to a dialogue on "The Middle East: Changing Strategic Environment." Participants discussed democracy and stability in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Israel; the situation in Iraq; Iran's nuclear program; the roles of #the United States, the EU, and the UN Security Council in promoting stability and change in the region; strategies for countering Islamic terrorism; and developments in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. SOURCE: RAND Corporation RAND Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20607 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20607 We are witnessing unusual scenes in the Middle East. Mass demonstrations in Lebanon, joint protest rallies of Egyptian Islamists and liberals against the Mubarak regime in Egypt, and municipal elections in Saudi Arabia are just as much features of the current situation as are cease-fire declarations by Palestinian resistance movements and multiparty negotiations for forming a coalition government in Iraq. SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:48:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20444 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20444 The post-Cold War world, with its small wars of ethnic nationalism; tribal and religious conflict; and localized and global terrorism is not so different from Europe during the era of decolonization in the late 1950s and 1960s. The ethnic and religious roots of many of the world's current conflicts derive from the period when Europe shed its empires and much of the developing world gained independence. One critical lesson of the European wars of decolonization is the need to maintain legitimacy while conducting low-intensity conflict (LIC) operations. Without legitimacy, a democratic nation cannot hope to prosecute operations to a successful conclusion. SOURCE: U.S. Army Combined Arms Center U.S. Army Combined Arms Center Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:45 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20050 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=20050 Conflict between the government and insurgent groups displaced at least one million Algerians between 1992 and 2002. Fighting and attacks targeting the civil population forced large numbers to flee rural areas and find security in nearby urban centres. Today, government forces have largely regained control over rural areas and a large majority of the former insurgents have accepted an amnesty offered by President Bouteflika and approved by the Algerian people in a referendum during fall 2005. The actual number of people displaced by the conflict is difficult to determine given the information void that has pervaded the conflict in Algeria since its onset. The European Union estimated in 2002 that violence had displaced one million people, while others put the number as high as 1.5 million. There is no information available about the current number of internally displaced persons (IDPs), but it is regularly documented that many still live in the shanty towns that mushroomed across Algeria during the conflict. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19817 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19817 A mainly desert territory in north-west Africa, Western Sahara is the subject of a long-running dispute between Morocco and the Algerian-backed Polisario Front. SOURCE: British Broadcasting Corporation British Broadcasting Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19480 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19480 Algerians are taking part in a referendum on a government plan to grant a partial amnesty to Islamist rebels and government forces involved in the country's civil war. BBC Monitoring looks at some of the key issues in Thursday's vote. SOURCE: British Broadcasting Corporation British Broadcasting Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19046 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=19046 SOURCE: African Human Security Initiative African Human Security Initiative Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:47:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18907 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18907 President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's new "Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation," unveiled on August 15, offers more to perpetrators of human rights violations than it does to victims, Human Rights Watch said today (Sept. 3). The Charter outlines a framework for turning the page on the conflict that claimed the lives of more than 100,000 Algerians since 1992 and led to the forced disappearance of thousands more who remain missing today. Algerians will vote yes or no on the proposed Charter in a national referendum on September 29. In an 18-page briefing paper, Human Rights Watch welcomed some features of the Charter, but said that it effectively reinforces the impunity for serious crimes committed by state agents while granting amnesty to armed insurgents for many of the atrocities they had perpetrated during more than a decade of civil strife. Human Rights Watch also expressed concern that the political climate and the short timetable for the referendum do# not favor a free and informed public discussion about the Charter. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18379 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18379 The report argues that he mass protests and violence sparked in Kabylia in April 2001 and continuing today are principally a result of poor political representation, and not simply a local or ethnic disturbance. The report underlines the importance of addressing the lack of representation head on, and provides recommendations to end the impasse. Importantly, the government, the Kabyle political parties and the popular protest movement known as the "Coordinations" must reconsider their behaviour and goals. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18399 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18399 Algeria, long a case study in how not to deal with Islamist activism, has a chance after more than a decade of conflict that has cost over 100,000 lives to move toward a peaceful, democratic and law-bound society. It has enjoyed relative security and stability since 1999, and there are positive signs that a majority of its Islamist activists have abandoned their utopian outlook and reverted to more pragmatic strategies. But although violence has been much reduced, several armed movements remain a security problem, a constraint on political life and a factor facilitating expansion of al-Qaeda's jihad. Eliminating them requires a blend of political, security, legal and diplomatic measures rather than excessive reliance on military means. Tentative army acknowledgement that it should withdraw from its dominant position in politics also needs encouragement. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18163 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18163 If one believed the official French terminology, since Algeria was a French territory, the activities of the French army in Algeria from 1954 to 1962 were operations carried out "to maintain order." Conversely, to admit the reality of the war would have entailed granting the Algerian nationalists the status of belligerents, which was out of the question. In the face of the many d#ifficulties they encountered, the French government rapidly declared a state of emergency and voted in a law giving the government special powers in Algeria, in fact granting the executive a free hand in matters concerning this territory. SOURCE: Crimes of War Project Crimes of War Project Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18023 Countries rich in natural resources are often cursed by corruption, conflict, poor economic growth, low levels of child welfare and other problems. The report explores the reasons underlying the paradoxical link between mineral wealth and child poverty in countries such as Azerbaijan, Colombia, Nigeria, Sudan and Venezuela. Drawing from the experience of these countries and the success stories of Botswana and Norway, it focuses on positive, practical and achievable approaches that key actors can use to lift the 'resource curse' and improve the impact of the extractive industry on children and the rest of their societies. SOURCE: Save the Children Save the Children Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18050 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=18050 The Salafist Group for Call (or Preaching) and Combat (GSPC), was born out of Algeria's Armed Islamic Group (GIA) which threatened Algeria and its inhabitants after the country outlawed and imprisoned members of Algeria's largest Islamic party, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), following the legislative elections in 1992. According to regional literature and Western experts, GSPC is in a state of decline as a result of the successful capture and killing of group leaders, state amnesty programs (specifically the Civil Concord Restoration Act and Algeria's Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation), and Saharan state military crackdown under Western guidance and assistance. GSPC's international impact has been relatively small and has been limited to infrequent resource generating operations leading to arrests of GSPC and al Qaeda members and diaspora affiliates in a number European and Middle Eastern countries. The uncertainty regarding GSPC operations creates a need for further review. Current literature and analysis is scarce and, as will be shown, potentially inaccurate. As a result, this research paper will provide a descriptive analysis of GSPC operations in an attempt to show patterns and potential direction of GSPC future operations. SOURCE: Center for Contemporary Conflict Center for Contemporary Conflict Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17858 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17858 African Elite Perspectives: AU and NEPAD contains findings of a survey that was conducted in South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Algeria, Kenya, Uganda and Zimbabwe in October and November 2002. This publication analyses and makes predictions regarding elite attitudes towards the two most influential bodies in African politics in the past decade (namely, the AU and NEPAD) as well as to draw important comparisons between African countries that represent a broad spectrum of African political and social climates. SOURCE: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17924 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17924 This report focuses on three issues: 1. The circumstances of armed violence in Algeria in the decade of the 1990s. The author summarises the chronology, describe the main actors and their aims, and gives some details about the violent acts perpetrated. 2. The impact of armed violence on women and girls. The author looks at displacement, rape and murder, and attacks on non-conforming women and girls (e.g., women living alone, women and girls refusing the Islamist dress code, girls attending mixed secular schools, and women working outside the home). This section includes some indication of the broader effects as well as the indirect effects of the climate of armed violence and insecurity, especially on women. 3. The impact of armed violence on livelihoods. SOURCE: Centre for International Cooperation and Security // University of Bradford Centre for International Cooperation and Security // University of Bradford Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17728 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17728 When Algerian nationalists launched a rebellion against French rule in November 1954, France, mired in similar wars for independence in its colonial territories, was in a poor position to cope with further upheaval. The Algerian strategy encompassed varying approaches and was more adaptable than that of the French, necessitating a rethinking of traditional counterinsurgency methods. In this volume, originally published in 1963, David Galula reconstructs the story of his highly successful command in the district of Greater Kabylia, east of Algiers, at the height of the rebellion, and presents his theories on counterinsurgency and pacification. In the process, he confronts the larger political, psychological, and military aspects of the Algerian war, and provides a context for present-day counterinsurgency operations. This groundbreaking work, featuring a new foreword by Bruce Hoffman, retains its relevancy as a challenge to traditional counterinsurgency tactics and presents approaches to predicting, managing, and resolving insurgent and guerilla conflict. The parallels between the Algerian war and modern warfare are striking, and lessons can be extracted from French successes and failures in its drive to contain and manage the Algerian uprising. SOURCE: RAND Corporation RAND Corporation Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17763 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17763 This report examines the key initiatives taken by the Algerian authorities in the last three to four years with the stated intention of addressing human rights concerns in Algeria. Amnesty International's conclusion is that, while some of the initiatives contain positive elements, many of the core problems related to the human rights situation in the country will persist unless the recommendations put forward by national and international non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations are put into effect. SOURCE: Amnesty International Amnesty International Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17628 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17628 The Algerian authorities have been engaged in counter-terrorism measures for well over a decade and during the 1990s were widely criticized for human rights violations committed in the name of counter-terrorism. Recently, however, Algeria has become a prime ally of the USA and other governments involved in the "war on terror". Although the level of serious human rights abuses in Algeria has decreased compared to the 1990s, it is precisely in the context of counter-terrorism measures that serious human rights violations continue to be reported. Over the past few years, Amnesty International has looked in detail at the issue of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (hereafter: ill-treatment). While there has been a decrease in reports of torture and other ill-treatment in the custody of police and gendarmerie, torture and other ill-treatment continue to be used systematically by the "Military Security", an intelligence agency which specializes in interrogating individuals who are believed to have information about terrorist activities. Although it is still widely known as "Military Security", its official name since 1990 has been the Department for Information and Security (Département du renseignement et de la sécurité, DRS). SOURCE: Amnesty International Amnesty International Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17216 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17216 Aliases: Army of Islamic Salvation, Armée Islamique du Salut (AIS), Front Islamique du Salut, Islamic Salvation Army SOURCE: National Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism National Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17232 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17232 A larger number of present political regimes in the East, Central Europe, Eurasia, Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have established a faxc3xa7ade of institutional democracy. An irreversible wave of democratic transition -- excluding the MENA -- has been underway for some time. The foundation is fair and free polls. Elections are the lifeblood of democracy, but not all elections are democratic, as is often the case in the Arab world in which electoral authoritarianism and subsequent violence still haunt the scene. Electoral authoritarianism characterises regimes that present an illusion of multi-party democracy at the local and national levels while effectively stripping elections of efficacy. The result known in advance, elections can be held frequently. In Algeria, for instance, officials have been able, against all odds, to organise more than 12 polls during the civil strife that broke out when the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was poised to win the 1991 and subsequently cancelled legislative elections. Under electoral authoritarian regimes, elections are subject to such state manipulation as to strip them of value. Arab officials have become very sophisticated in this. Rulers devise discriminatory electoral rules, exclude opposition forces from entering the electoral arena, and restrict what passes to the public via mass media. Means may change but the ultimate goal remains the same, electoral manipulation becoming the most stable institution upholding authoritarian rule. SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17248 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17248 The authors examined several urban insurgencies in the Middle East and South Asia in an attempt to determine answers and approaches. The insurgencies examined are the French experience in Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s; the British Battle for Aden in 1964-1966; the Soviet experience in Afghanistan's major cities from 1979-1989; the Israeli experience in Beirut, Lebanon in the 1980s; the second (current) Intifada in Israel; and the current insurgency in Iraq. While none of these particular counter-insurgencies were stellar successes for the occupier, there are often more lessons to be learned in failure than in success. There have been recent successful urban counter-insurgencies in the area, such as the Jordanian Army's battles against the Syrians and PLO ("Black September) in 1970-1971, the Saudi Arabian military move against the occupied Great Mosque in Mecca in 1979 and the Indian Army#'s Operation Blue Star in Amritsar in 1984. Since these were operations by local in-place forces, the authors did not explore them in depth. One successful counter-insurgency, conducted by the Sultan of Oman against the Marxist Dhofari insurgency from 1962-1975 involved local and British forces. This will be the topic of a future study. As in all academic endeavors, the authors frequently disagreed with one another, however they are in accord with the final analysis and conclusion chapter-the chapter that may have application in contemporary venues. SOURCE: Foreign Military Studies Office Foreign Military Studies Office Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16959 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16959 SOURCE: HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:46:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17057 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=17057 AHSI is a network of seven African non-governmental research organisations that have come together to measure the performance of key African governments in promoting human security. The project is inspired by a wish to contribute to the ambitions of the New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Whereas the APRM process has defined a comprehensive set of objectives, standards, criteria and indicators that cover four broad areas, AHSI only engages with one of the four, namely issues of political governance in so far as these relate to human security. Within this area, each AHSI partner has identified a set of key commitments that African leaders have entered into at the level of OAU/AU heads of states meetings and summits. A "shadow review" of how these commitments have been implemented in practice has then been conducted. Eight countries have been chosen for review, namely Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda. All eight are members of NEPAD and have acceded to the APRM. While not constituting an exhaustive list of human security challenges in Africa, the AHSI Network selected the following seven clusters of commitments: human rights, democracy and governance; civil society engagement; small arms and light weapons; peacekeeping and conflict resolution; anti-corruption; and terrorism and organised crime. The AHSI partners are the South African Institute for International Affairs (SAIIA), the Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (IHRDA), the Southern Africa Human Rights Trust (SAHRIT), the West African Network for Peace (WANEP), the African Security Dialogue and Research (ASDR), the African Peace Forum (APFO) and the Institute for Security Studies (ISS). The principal aim of this study is to monitor progress in the field of human rights in Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda. The objective is to determine whether the states to be reviewed have taken any concrete steps to domesticate the relevant standards to which they have committed themselves; to determine the level of the actual enjoyment of these human rights commitments within the national sphere; and to provide specific information on the legal and de facto situation in the countries concerned. SOURCE: Institute for Security Studies // African Human Security Initiative Institute for Security Studies // African Human Security Initiative Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:46 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16336 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16336 The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) was established in 1989 by the Treaty of Marrakech. Although the Member States of the AMU envisioned creating strong ties that would assist them in working together for regional peace and economic development with greater negotiating power against the Europe of the twelve in particular, they did not create an independent Union with many supranational powers. This is reflected in the Treaty of Marrakech provisions on its regional court, the Instance Judiciaire (AMUIJ) and the statute of the Court. SOURCE: Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16210 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=16210 The Algerian war for independence began in 1954 and ended in 1962 when French President Charles De Gaulle pronounced Algeria an independent country on July 3. This war was one of the many wars for independence which occurred during the 1950s and 1960s. The movement for independence came from the Algerians' dissatisfaction with being treated as second-class citizens by the French colonial government. The revolution's philosophical foundations came from the privileged Algerians who were Gallicized by the French education system. However, these évolués (literally "the evolved") lost control of the movement for independence when the concessions they secured from the French government benefitted themselves. SOURCE: Globalsecurity.org Globalsecurity.org Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:06 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15285 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15285 The report examines the long-running stalemate between Morocco, the Polisario Front - which has been fighting for independence for over 30 years - and Algeria, focusing in particular on the role played by the UN Security Council. The combination of Morocco's recent proposal of a "Sahara autonomous region", the Polisario Front#xe2x80x99s counter-proposal of independence with guarantees for Moroccan interests and the UN Security Council's 30 April resolution calling for direct negotiations between the parties - due to begin on 18 June - has been hailed as a promising breakthrough in the protracted Western Sahara dispute. This optimism may eventually be vindicated but is likely to prove premature, since the underlying dynamics of the conflict have not changed. The formal positions of Morocco and the Polisario Front are still far apart; Algeria's position remains ambiguous and difficult to deal with; and the UN, which has responsibility for resolving the conflict, still denies itself the means to do so. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:45:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15060 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=15060 The aim of this chapter is threefold. First, I argue that the study of civil wars must incorporate a solid theoretical understanding of warfare; second, I introduce a distinction between three different types of civil war based on how they are fought and trace the origins of each type; third, I explore the effects of these types of warfare on the patterns of violence in civil wars. The purpose of the chapter is primarily conceptual and xe2x80x98theory-generating' rather than xe2x80x98theory-testing'. Accordingly, the chapter is divided in three sections. Section 1 discusses the necessity of incorporating a theory of warfare into the social-scientific research on civil strife. It then identifies three types of warfare that characterise civil wars. Two are well known: conventional and irregular warfare; the third one tends to be mischaracterised: I call it xe2x80x98symmetric non-conventional' warfare. I trace the origins of each type to three distinct processes: failed military coups or secessions in federal states tend to produce civil wars fought via conventional warfare; peripheral or rural insurgencies tend to give rise to civil wars fought via irregular war; and state collapse leads to civil wars fought in a xe2x80x98symmetric' but xe2x80x98non-conventional' way. I argue that this distinction may move us beyond imprecise but popular typologies, of the xe2x80x98old war' versus xe2x80x98new war' type. Section 2 relies on a brief discussion of seven cases to illuminate the empirical links between warfare and violence; the cases were chosen to maximise the variety of warfare type and the ethnic/non-ethnic dimension: Algeria 1954-62, Angola 1961-75, Lebanon 1975-90, Liberia 1987-2003, Nigeria-Biafra 1967-70, Oman 1965-75, and Spain 1936-39, Last, in Section 3 I explore the theoretical links between warfare and violence. I identify three theoretical accounts of violence. The sociological thesis connects violence to deep prewar divisions and conflicts; th#e Hobbesian thesis imputes causal force to the collapse of order and anarchy; and the military thesis points to vulnerability as the causal mechanism behind mass civilian victimisation. I conclude with methodological observations about the links between these arguments and the type of warfare practised in civil wars. SOURCE: Yale University Yale University Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14505 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14505 Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia stand at a crucial crossroad in their political evolution as they face simultaneous challenges from domestic, regional, and global forces. Despite all surface appearances to the contrary, all three Maghrebi states are governed autocratically. As such, they will be unable to meet the upcoming threats to their political stability, social cohesion, cultural integrity, and economic viability. One result will be increased domestic, regional, and global tensions as militant forces seep through these sociopolitical fault lines finding support from and identification with similarly discontented co-religionists living in Europe. Terrorism is the most extreme manifestation of this diffused discontent made "legitimate" through an Islamic idiom of martyrdom. SOURCE: Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Postgraduate School Center for Contemporary Conflict // Naval Postgraduate School Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14597 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=14597 At the global level, Algeria is a key player in the fight against international terrorism. At the national level, the draft Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, unveiled by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and put to public referendum on September 29, appears to grant impunity to the authors of the internal conflict of the 1990s. A year after winning a second mandate at the ballot box, President Bouteflika now faces a double challenge: at home, in order for state institutions to regain their legitimacy, he must try to free political power from military control, improve socioeconomic conditions and shed light on military involvement in Algeria's so-called dirty war. At the international level, the proliferation of agreements and the gradual recognition of Algeria as a partner in the fight against international terrorism could lend new legitimacy to a government suffering from a serious lack of credibility within the country. Algeria now finds itself in a contradictory position as fighting terrorism becomes the key to solving internal challenges and gaining international recognition. SOURCE: Elcano Royal Institute Elcano Royal Institute Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:23 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13860 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13860 Since the end of the 1980s, political, economic, security, and social conditions in this Maghreban country have been volatile. A combination of domestic and external factors led to the degradation of the situation. Islamic fundamentalism led by the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS), which later developed into terrorist networks (Group Islamique Armé and the Armé Islamique du Salut), further #complicated the picture. The government has appeared to have more control over the domestic situation since 1999, and particularly since 2002 when the GIA agreed to stop its activities following President Bouteflika's Concorde Civile. Terrorist activities became limited to rural and isolated areas of the country. This allowed the government to focus more on economic reforms. Indeed it carried out major reforms, and introduced several privatisation policies. SOURCE: Africa Institute of South Africa Africa Institute of South Africa Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:23 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13861 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13861 It has been called "la sale guerre" - the dirty war - a civil war that has spanned nearly a decade, with around 150 000 people massacred in Algeria since 1993. The roots of this violent and senseless conflict have an intricate and sinister connection to Islamic fundamentalist militancy that has become almost a way of life in Algeria. Islam has deep roots in Algeria and, as in so many other Muslim societies, was also the natural cultural rallying point of Algerian resistance to colonial control. The Algerian colonial experience was uniquely vivid within the Arab world. The very essence of modern Algerian culture is thus deeply embedded in the concept of conflict and struggle. The post-liberation Algerian state, despite its strong socialist orientation, explicitly recognised Islam in the constitution as a pillar of state and society. Algeria's long commitment to Third World politics and its shared Arab and Islamic heritage naturally led it to early and strong support of the concept of Arab unity and particular support for the Palestinian cause. Nowhere is the Islamic challenge more manifest than in Algeria. This reality was brought to the international community's attention not only by the ongoing armed Islamic insurgency, but also by the electoral successes of the Islamic movement. The respective resistance movements carried out against the French were done not only in the name of Algeria, but also of Islam. They were described as jihads against infidel invaders and were defined as compulsory acts, incumbent on all Muslims. SOURCE: Africa Institute of South Africa Africa Institute of South Africa Wed, 24 Oct 2007 03:44:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13294 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=13294 The report presents evidence that confirms that al Qaeda has been involved in the rough diamond trade since the 1990's. It reveals that the trade networks and routes used by al Qaeda to gain access to rough diamonds are the same as those used for trading conflict and illicit diamonds. It also notes that such diamond trading routes overlap with illicit arms trading, and informal support and trading networks between terrorists, rebel groups as well as regional insecurity and outright conflict. It concludes that the only way to prevent the trade in conflict and terror diamonds is to ensure that the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme is effectively implemented. This means establishing a credible, independent monitoring mechanism covering all aspects of the diamond pipeline. SOURCE: Global Witness Global Witness