Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Western Europe". Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:27 +0000 Sat, 17 May 2008 0:30:27 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 15:33:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24391 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24391 In the past three years the authorities in the Netherlands have introduced a series of measures with the stated aim of better integrating its migrant population. The two key measures are integration tests–one administered in the Netherlands that most foreign residents must take, and another that must be passed by would-be family migrants from some countries before they can join spouses or family members in the Netherlands. The policies were adopted during a period of heightened public concern about the impact that migrant communities have on social cohesion, with a particular criticism of the supposed lack of integration among Moroccan and Turkish migrant communities. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Wed, 14 May 2008 15:19:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24367 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24367 Ainsi donc le Royaume-Uni s’est enfin décidé à choisir le groupe industriel qui fournira la première tranche des plate-formes de son programme de forces médianes terrestres « Futur Rapid Effect System » (FRES) (tranche dite de plate-formes d’usage non spécifique, en fait de transport d’infanterie). Comme prévu de longue date par quelques-uns, c’est le groupe nord-américain General Dynamics qui a été désigné comme le concurrent préféré à l’issue d’une compétition au cours de laquelle, dans sa pénultième phase, trois concurrents se sont opposés ardemment. Naturellement, chacun d’entre eux avait de bonnes raisons de penser qu’aux plans militaire, technique et surtout politique son produit avait un avantage compétitif décisif. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 14 May 2008 13:30:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Etats-Unis d’Amérique et Canada, et Europe occidentale et centrale. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Wed, 14 May 2008 12:31:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24351 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24351 The Joint Committee on Human Rights scrutinises Government Bills for their human rights compatibility. The Committee draws the special attention of both Houses to the Counter-Terrorism Bill. This is the Committee’s second Report on this Bill. The Committee has also published four other Reports relevant to the Bill. This Report updates them in light of the Government’s replies to two of the Committee’s Reports and puts forward amendments to the Bill to give effect to the Committee’s recommendations. The Committee’s approach is based on the human rights standards with which the Government’s counter-terrorism measures must be compatible and on the belief that such measures should as far as possible be part of the ordinary criminal law (paragraphs 1-5). SOURCE: United Kingdom House of Lords // United Kingdom House of Commons // Joint Committee on Human Rights United Kingdom House of Lords // United Kingdom House of Commons // Joint Committee on Human Rights Wed, 14 May 2008 12:05:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24345 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24345 Like any major terrorist event, the July 7, 2005 (7/7) bombings of London’s public transportation system that killed 52 commuters and four suicide bombers had the immediate result of generating a number of wide-ranging and speculative conspiracy theories. One of the early unanswered questions concerned the fact that the four bombers left behind at least one viable explosive device in their car at Luton train station, raising the question of whether there was a “fifth bomber” (Guardian, May 19, 2007). Numerous other leads and stories have led to all manner of speculation, but thus far only one very concrete element of conspiracy has shown up in the British legal system, in the form of the ongoing trial against Mohammed Shakil, 31; Sadeer Saleem, 27; and Waheed Ali, 24; all originally of Beeston in West Yorkshire, the hometown of the 7/7 team (Telegraph, April 6, 2007; BBC, April 10). SOURCE: Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Wed, 14 May 2008 09:49:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24327 De 1915 à 1918, plus d’un million d’'Arménien(ne)s furent les victimes de massacres et de déportations systématiques. La Suisse n'’a pas à ce jour reconnu cet événement historique comme un génocide. De nombreuses interventions parlementaires ont déjà demandé la reconnaissance suisse du génocide. Le dernier en date a été le postulat Zisyadis que le Conseil national a rejeté de justesse en mars 2001. Les développements politiques et juridiques actuels sur la scène nationale et internationale ont mis à nouveau la question du génocide des Arméniens à l’ordre du jour de l’'agenda politique. Lors de la session de printemps 2002, Jean-Claude Vaudroz, Conseiller national, a déposé un postulat visant la reconnaissance du génocide arménien par la Suisse. Le postulat exige que le Conseil national reconnaisse le génocide des Arméniens et qu’'il demande au Conseil fédéral d’'en prendre acte et de la transmettre par voie diplomatique habituelle. Avec la présente documentation, le génocide arménien est présenté et donne lieu à une discussion politique et juridique dans le contexte national et international. SOURCE: Société pour les peuples menacés Société pour les peuples menacés Fri, 09 May 2008 10:53:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24269 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24269 The Winter Supplementary Estimate presented by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) requests additional provision of £2,033 million, of which £1,919 million is to meet the estimated additional costs of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan in the financial year 2007–08. The MoD waits until the Winter Supplementary Estimates (in November) to present to Parliament the estimated costs of military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, as the unpredictable nature of operations makes it difficult to forecast their cost with accuracy at the beginning of the financial year. We continue to argue that the estimated costs of military operations should be set out in the Main Estimates (in April); but, as a compromise, we recommend that the MoD provide in its estimates memorandum for the Main Estimates an account of its planning assumptions for the costs of military operations in the financial year ahead. SOURCE: United Kingdom House of Commons // Defence Committee United Kingdom House of Commons // Defence Committee Fri, 09 May 2008 10:50:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24268 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24268 The Spring Supplementary Estimate presented by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) requests additional provision of £2,192 million, of which £1,410.5 million is to meet the estimated additional costs of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan in Financial Year 2007–08. The cost of operations in Iraq has risen significantly despite the drawdown of forces there: in particular the estimate of the cost of capital additions there has almost doubled against its forecast just three months ago. The indirect resource costs attributable to operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan have also risen five-fold against last year's outturn, far beyond the scale of other costs. The MoD needs to make clearer the reasons for these considerable increases. SOURCE: United Kingdom House of Commons // Defence Committee United Kingdom House of Commons // Defence Committee Thu, 08 May 2008 16:26:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24256 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24256 Il s'est trouvé de nombreux commentateurs, ces dernières semaines, pour souligner les inflexions pro-européennes adoptées récemment par le Premier ministre britannique, Gordon Brown - la visite d'Etat du président français, les 26 et 27 mars 2008, ayant permis de braquer les projecteurs sur l'actuel résident du 10 Downing Street et sur sa vision de la construction européenne. Traditionnellement présenté comme " eurosceptique ", voire indifférent aux affaires européennes, lorsqu'il était Chancelier de l'Echiquier (1997-2007), le leader travailliste aurait fait montre, depuis quelques semaines, d'une certaine bienveillance à l'égard du processus européen, n'hésitant pas à vanter les mérites de l'UE et l'intérêt du Royaume-Uni à en être membre - le processus interne de ratification du traité de Lisbonne y est certainement pour quelque chose. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 07 May 2008 16:48:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24230 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24230 L’arrestation, au Tchad, des membres de l’association L’Arche de Zoé en 2007 a soudainement attiré l’attention sur une région d’Afrique où la France reste très influente. En vertu d’accords militaires avec N’Djamena et Bangui (République centrafricaine, RCA), Paris maintient une présence militaire de plus en plus contestée par les oppositions locales. En proie à des conflits armés internes, le Tchad et la RCA subissent en outre les conséquences de la crise du Darfour. Les forces de paix internationales en cours de déploiement font essentiellement appel à la France. Mais la difficile mise en place de la mission européenne Eufor révèle des divergences entre Paris et ses partenaires. SOURCE: Le Monde Diplomatique Le Monde Diplomatique Wed, 07 May 2008 16:43:09 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24229 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24229 Le Dialogue méditerranéen de l’OTAN n’a fait l’objet que d’une brève référence dans la déclaration des chefs d’Etats et de gouvernements de l’Alliance réunis récemment à Bucarest, alors même que ce partenariat commémorera son quinzième anniversaire l’année prochaine. Pour certains, cette référence apparemment anodine témoigne de la «banalisation» du Dialogue et de son évolution positive au cours de ces dernières années. Ceux-ci soulignent en outre qu’après deux sommets au cours desquels les questions méditerranéennes avaient fait l’objet de développements significatifs, il est normal que les Alliés se soient concentrés cette fois sur des enjeux jugés plus urgents. D’autres, au contraire, s’étonnent de la relégation au deuxième plan de ce partenariat symbolique qui porte en lui les espoirs des pays de la rive sud du bassin méditerranéen, alors que ces pays sont exposés à des facteurs de plus en plus déstabilisants et que cette région s’impose chaque jour davantage comme une zone d’intérêt stratégique pour l’Alliance atlantique. Pour de nombreux observateurs, ce partenariat s’essouffle et peine à se positionner face aux autres initiatives politiques qui se multiplient dans la zone méditerranéenne. SOURCE: Collège de Défense de l’OTAN - Division Recherche Collège de Défense de l’OTAN - Division Recherche Wed, 07 May 2008 14:14:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24221 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24221 Le Cabinet Office britannique vient de publier, le 18 mars 2008, sa première National Security Strategy - Security in an interdependent world (NSS – 61 p.), annoncée dès l’accession de Gordon Brown au poste de Premier ministre. C’est l’occasion de retracer ici les différents outils et transformations, politiques, budgétaires et administratif, de la sécurité globale au Royaume-Uni depuis quelques années. Il s’agit aussi de montrer que la période d’adaptation des structures sécuritaires est probablement en voie d’achèvement. SOURCE: Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique Wed, 07 May 2008 13:58:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24218 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24218 Un an après son élection, Nicolas Sarkozy aura su imposer sa patte sur les questions de défense comme dans les autres domaines. Reste que là comme ailleurs si des chantiers sont ouverts, il est encore un peu tôt pour tirer des conclusions Ainsi le retour dans la structure militaire intégrée de l’OTAN n’est encore qu’une option puisque elle est conditionnée par des avancées dans l’Europe de la défense. Le feuilleton du 2ème porte-avions, qui avait agité la campagne électorale, n’est lui même pas clos du fait des difficultés budgétaires. Des lignes de force semblent donc se dégager mais sans certitude absolue sur le résultat final. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 07 May 2008 12:07:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24208 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24208 La régionalisation des compétences en matière d'importation, d'exportation et de transit d'armes ainsi que la nouvelle loi sur les armes ont modifié la gestion administrative des dossiers « armes » en Belgique. Ces nouveaux textes législatifs ont eu pour incidence, entre autres, la production de documents administratifs appropriés. Certains formulaires sont nouveaux ; d'autres, souvent issus de l'autorité fédérale, ont été simplement adaptés pour les identifier dorénavant à leur nouvelle administration régionale. Ce rapport dresse un état des lieux des documents existants auprès des pouvoirs publics. Mais au-delà de ce recensement, nous procédons à une analyse destinée à, vérifier, d'une part, l'accessibilité de l'ensemble de ces formulaires auprès du public et, d'autre part, la nature de l'information transmise à la suite de ces deux modifications législatives. SOURCE: Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité Wed, 07 May 2008 11:33:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24199 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24199 Dans le monde, 100 à 140 millions de femmes ont subi une mutilation sexuelle. Habitant principalement en Afrique sub-saharienne, 5 % vivent dans les pays européens d’immigration africaine ainsi qu’en Amérique du Nord. Dans les pays d’origine, la situation varie, certains pays pratiquant massivement l’excision, comme la Guinée, où 96 % des femmes sont excisées, et d’autres, presque pas, comme le Niger, où seulement 2 % des femmes le sont. L’excision est par ailleurs en recul dans ces pays. La France compterait en 2004 autour de 50 000 femmes adultes excisées. Une enquête est en préparation pour mieux connaître les conséquences de ces mutilations afin d’améliorer la prise en charge sanitaire de ce problème. SOURCE: Institut national d'études démographiques Institut national d'études démographiques Tue, 06 May 2008 11:07:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24156 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24156 Recent stories on Spain commonly marvel at the stunning transformation of a country long known for its history of ethnic conflicts, military coups, and civil wars, to say nothing of a reputation as an economic backwater. “Pass the Cava,” proclaimed the International Herald Tribune in a 2006 article that celebrated Spain’s “embrace of modernization after decades of stagnation” as “one of Europe’s great success stories.” Equally enthusiastic was a 2004 country profile in the Economist: “In under 30 years Spain has emerged from dictatorship and international isolation, built a successful economy and established an effective democracy. Perhaps no other European country has achieved so much, on so many fronts, so quickly.” A 2004 cover story in Newsweek International proclaimed Spain “the new princely peacock, after being looked down on by the northern Europeans as a poor Mediterranean country.” SOURCE: World Policy Journal World Policy Journal Fri, 02 May 2008 12:56:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24101 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24101 Today’s hearing comes on the heels of NATO’s Bucharest Summit where the alliance addressed some of the most pressing security challenges facing the United States, Canada and our European allies. As a strong supporter of NATO, I was heartened to see that our allies joined together in the Summit Declaration reaffirming their support for enlargement and agreeing to further strengthen the collective capability of the alliance to meet the “existing and emerging 21st century threats.” Despite the language contained in the declaration, I remain concerned that differences still exist between the US and some of our NATO allies – particularly on Ukraine and Georgia’s relationship with NATO, the Bush Administration’s Missile Defense plan, Energy Security and NATO’s relations with Russia as well as the alliance’s mission in Afghanistan. From my perspective, one of the highlights of the Summit was NATO’s invitation to Croatia and Albania to begin accession talks. To that end, I want to congratulate the Albanian and Croatian governments who have demonstrated their strong commitment to transatlantic security. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Fri, 02 May 2008 12:53:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24100 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24100 As we all are aware, there are several important issues facing the Alliance, including the continued enlargement of NATO, its operations in Kosovo, and the deployment of a missile defense system in Eastern Europe. However, I believe that by far the most critical test for NATO is how it responds to the ongoing war in Afghanistan. Therefore, I look forward to listening to both Assistant Secretary Fried and Deputy Assistant Secretary Fata for their perspective regarding the commitment of our NATO allies to the battle against the Taliban in that country. There is no doubt the NATO members have publicly and I am sure privately expressed solidarity and strong support for the NATO mission in Afghanistan. I believe they recognize that this is crucial test for the Alliance – a test that is being closely watched not only in the Middle East but by countries throughout the world who are taking measure of NATO and whether it is willing to follow through on its security commitments. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Fri, 02 May 2008 12:52:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24099 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24099 NATO is not just a military alliance; it is an alliance of values that provided the foundation for freedom’s victory in the Cold War. While its core mission remains the same – the defense of its members – NATO is achieving this in new ways. It is evolving into a 21st century role, enlarging the area in Europe where freedom is secure, defending this transatlantic community against new threats and challenges that are often global in scope, and building partnerships around the globe with like-minded countries who want to work together with NATO to face these challenges. The Bucharest Summit further advanced NATO’s transformation in each of these areas. I will speak today about the Summit outcomes and what these mean for the development of NATO’s operations in Afghanistan and Kosovo, its transformation to address global security challenges, and its membership and relationships with countries and organizations. The Bucharest Summit was one of the most productive and certainly the most open summit that I can remember. It was certainly the least scripted. Indeed, the Summit Declaration decisions concerning Georgia and Ukraine were only reached by leaders in informal sessions at the Summit itself. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Fri, 02 May 2008 12:41:23 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24093 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24093 We fully support the continuing commitment of the UK Government, in partnership with the Government and people of Afghanistan, to help to bring peace and security to Afghanistan and to promote political reform and reconstruction and development. We accept that the commitment, in terms of development assistance, is likely to last at least a generation. As one of the poorest countries in the world, with continuing humanitarian needs, Afghanistan should remain a major focus for DFID. We welcome the Committee’s support for UK commitment in Afghanistan. As the Prime Minister announced to the House of Commons in December, we believe the best way for the UK to support the Afghan Government and people is through a long-term and comprehensive framework. Afghanistan is a key UK priority for reconstruction and development support. The UK signed a ten year Development Partnership Agreement with the Afghan Government at the 2006 London Conference, and DFID has set out its funding to Afghanistan for the next four years. SOURCE: United Kingdom House of Commons // International Development Committee United Kingdom House of Commons // International Development Committee Fri, 02 May 2008 09:53:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24072 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24072 This analysis is based on a game theory model which assumes the premise that the behaviour of Jihadist groups (taken generally, and al-Qaeda in particular) and of States is rational and responds to strategic choices. The analysis begins with an introduction to the context which situates Spain and global Jihadist groups on opposing sides of the game board of strategic interests. There follows an analysis of each of the scenarios and their implications in the strategies of Jihadist organisations, as well as their influence on Spanish foreign policy and international security policy decisions. Finally, conclusions are presented and the scenarios are classified in accordance with their significance and their capacity to destabilise Spain’s position in its various theatres of operations abroad, most notably those linked to peace missions and, in particular, Afghanistan. SOURCE: Real Instituto Elcano Real Instituto Elcano Thu, 01 May 2008 10:33:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24037 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24037 There is a feeling on both sides of the Atlantic that this is the right moment for rapprochement. But times have changed. Both France and the United States have good reasons to reassess the utility of NATO to their foreign-policy objectives. Through their experiences of relative powerlessness—France during the Balkan wars and the United States in attempting to cope with Iraq and Afghanistan—both countries have rediscovered NATO as an important and useful instrument of their security policies. The United States is moving away from the haughty “toolbox” approach it developed after Kosovo. The French are giving up their self-imposed isolationism, which caused their army to lag behind the United States and the U SOURCE: The National Interest The National Interest Wed, 30 Apr 2008 14:11:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24013 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24013 Traditionnellement, le Moyen-Orient est une destination privilégiée des exportations mondiales d’armement. Cette région est en effet très demandeuse de nouveaux matériels militaires et bénéficie d’importantes liquidités grâce aux revenus pétroliers. Depuis des décennies, la Belgique, presque uniquement par le biais des exportations wallonnes, est parvenue à se créer une place dans ce marché particulier, notamment en tissant des relations commerciales soutenues avec un des États de la région, l’Arabie saoudite. Pourtant, ces transferts belges, comme ceux des autres États, suscitent de nombreuses interrogations, notamment concernant l’utilisation non souhaitée qui pourrait être faite des armes exportées, comme la répression interne ou le risque qu’elles soient détournées par des groupes terroristes. SOURCE: Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité Wed, 30 Apr 2008 11:04:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23994 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23994 La France a un problème avec ses musulmans, mais ce n’est pas celui qu’elle croit. L’embrasement des banlieues d’octobre-novembre 2005 ainsi que la vague d’arrestations dans les milieux jihadistes ont ramené l’Islam au centre des préoccupations françaises et ont donné du souffle à ceux qui brandissent la menace d’un monde musulman s’organisant à partir de l’islamisme politique. Pourtant, c’est tout le contraire: paradoxalement, c’est l’essoufflement de l’islamisme politique plus que sa radicalisation qui explique les violences à prédominance musulmane et c’est la dépolitisation des jeunes musulmans bien plus que leur prétendue re-communautarisation sur des bases radicales qui devrait inquiéter. Afin de minimiser les risques de l’émeute et du militantisme jihadiste, il faudrait à la fois s’attaquer aux problèmes socio-économiques dont souffrent les cités, réduire les violences qui s’exercent contre elles, et favoriser la participation politique de ceux qui y résident. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Tue, 29 Apr 2008 15:16:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23974 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23974 The UK's Terrorism Act 2006 has made the "glorification" of terrorism a criminal offence, the difficulty with this provision is clear because when freedom of speech is outlawed, civil liberties are violated. These new powers not only make Britain less free but also less safe by driving dissent underground and alienating minorities. Swept up in this new anti-terror safety net could be those who protest against dictators like Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, for example. This has created further difficulties regarding freedom of expression. For instance, a statement published in a book, newspaper, pamphlet or magazine may be read, either in hard copy or on the Internet, by UK nationals, foreign visitors, and people abroad. SOURCE: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies Fri, 25 Apr 2008 15:32:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23910 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23910 In just under two decades, France went from being a hub of terrorist activity to the most effective counter-terrorism practitioner in Europe, according to Brookings Institution analyst Jeremy Shapiro. SOURCE: National Public Radio National Public Radio Fri, 25 Apr 2008 15:31:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23909 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23909 Since September, the new French government has been hard at work on a White Paper on Defense. The report, due in April, will set the direction of French security policy for the next decade. It will also indicate the security and foreign policy priorities of the Sarkozy administration – priorities that so far have been somewhat hard to discern. The last French White Paper was issued in 1994, and it is widely agreed that a new one is needed. The 1994 paper only partially restructured the French military from its Cold War format. Though some steps have been taken to reorient French conventional forces away from Continental war and toward an overseas projection, France’s military equipment and capabilities remain the product of decisions made in the 1980s and even 1970s - decisions that reflect both the traditional Gaullist strategy of independence through nuclear deterrence and the assumption of a regular, symmetric enemy. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Thu, 24 Apr 2008 12:51:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23873 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23873 This month marks the 14th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, which is commonly considered to have begun on April 6, 1994. One aspect of the genocide that has received little attention in English-language media is the close relations that existed between the French military and the armed forces of the "Hutu Power" Rwandan government. In collaboration with the pro-government Interahamwe militias, Rwandan army officials are held to have been largely responsible for organizing the massacres perpetrated against the Tutsi civilian population and moderate Hutu from April to July 1994. The massacres are estimated to have claimed some 800,000 lives. They took place against the background of a civil war between Rwandan government forces and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF): a rebel force led by Paul Kagame, the current Rwandan president. In light of France's support for the Rwandan government of the time and the ambiguities of the allegedly "humanitarian" mission -- dubbed "Operation Turquoise" -- dispatched by France to Rwanda in June 1994, victims groups and critics of French African policy have long accused the French government of complicity in the genocide. Their efforts led to the formation in 2004 of a "Citizens' Commission of Inquiry" on the French role in the Rwandan genocide. SOURCE: World Politics Review World Politics Review Wed, 23 Apr 2008 17:09:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23851 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23851 Ce mémoire analyse la politique d'engagement de la France en Côte-d'Ivoire à travers deux grandes parties. Dans un premier temps, il étudie pourquoi l’intervention française en Côte d’Ivoire a été une nécessité, d’une part, en raison des liens existant entre les deux pays, et d’autre part, pour éviter une guerre civile qui aurait entraîné des milliers de morts et sans doute la partition du pays. Dans un deuxième temps, il explique pourquoi la politique mise en oeuvre par la France a montré ses limites, plaçant les forces françaises d’interposition dans un bourbier et mettant en danger les nombreux ressortissants résidant en Côte d’Ivoire. SOURCE: Institut d'études politiques, Lyon, France Institut d'études politiques, Lyon, France Wed, 23 Apr 2008 10:05:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23815 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23815 Adults in the Netherlands are divided over their country’s current mission in Afghanistan, according to a poll by Maurice de Hond. 49 per cent of respondents oppose the Dutch engagement in Uruzgan, while 46 per cent support it. Afghanistan has been the main battleground in the war on terrorism. The conflict began in October 2001, after the Taliban regime refused to hand over Osama bin Laden, prime suspect in the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington. Al-Qaeda operatives hijacked and crashed four airplanes on Sept. 11, 2001, killing nearly 3,000 people. The Netherlands committed troops to the war on terrorism in Afghanistan. At least 790 soldiers—including 16 Dutch—have died in the conflict, either in support of the United States-led Operation Enduring Freedom or as part of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) led by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). SOURCE: Angus Reid Global Monitor Angus Reid Global Monitor Mon, 21 Apr 2008 14:14:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23778 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23778 The Islamic Jihad Union (IJU), founded in 2002 after splitting off from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), has been trying since 2007 to boost its public image. Unlike the IMU, the largest militant organization in Central Asia, it advocates the internationalisation of the "Holy War" and has joined forces with the Taliban in Afghanistan and with Al-Qaida on the global level. It is a young and small organization and together with Al-Qaida has been training volunteers from Central Asia, Pakistan and Europe in the Pakistani region of Waziristan. Although so far the IJU seems to have had little influence in its native Uzbekistan, it has managed to recruit a group of Turks and Germans, some of whom planned attacks in Germany in 2007. It is still too early to speak of a trend, but should the IJU and Al-Qaida succeed in recruiting greater numbers of young Turks and Germans of Turkish origin, the likelihood of attacks in Germany will increase. SOURCE: German Institute for International and Security Affairs // Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs // Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik Fri, 18 Apr 2008 14:36:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23726 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23726 Since 9/11 terrorism has increased and become a prominent feature of ongoing insurgencies. NATO has become increasingly involved in one such insurgency in Afghanistan. However, perceptions of failure in Afghanistan have decreased public support for the mission and undermined support for NATO itself. Although Western public perception is one of overall failure, the situation in Afghanistan itself is quite varied. In the non-Pashtun areas of the country, the situation is improving and reconstruction is perceived by many Afghans as being effective. In Pashtun areas the opposite is true. NATO has not yet developed an effective strategy for dealing with the Pashtun insurgency in part because the Pashtun area straddles the border with Pakistan. Recent elections in Pakistan are likely to decrease cooperation. Attempts to turn the fight over to the Afghanis have had mixed success with some progress on the Afghan National Army but very little with the police. SOURCE: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Mon, 14 Apr 2008 13:13:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23596 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23596 The Basis Project is a new, England-wide service giving support to refugee community organisations SOURCE: The Basis Project The Basis Project Mon, 14 Apr 2008 13:06:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23594 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23594 When NATO leaders met last week in Bucharest, they disagreed profoundly on whether Ukraine and Georgia should be offered an opportunity to join the alliance. In the process, they did tremendous damage to enlargement policy as a whole. Enlargement has been at the core of the NATO alliance for well over two decades. Its founding treaty, signed nearly 60 years ago, made clear that the door to membership was open to any European state that could further the principles of the alliance and contribute to collective defense. NATO has used that open door effectively over the decades, taking in Greece, Turkey, West Germany and Spain during the Cold War, and then reaching out to Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1999, in order to make the process of admission more formal (as well as provide a way to cushion the disappointment of countries not being allowed in immediately), the allies created the Membership Action Plan. The MAP detailed what countries wishing to join NATO had to do. Once they fulfilled these criteria, NATO would invite them to become members. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Fri, 11 Apr 2008 12:09:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23571 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23571 At times, history can offer valuable lessons for a policy apparatus mired in its own brand of keyhole myopia. Iraq is a case in point. In 1958-1959, the United States faced a situation in Iraq eerily parallel to that of 2003. It appeared that only preemptive intervention could prevent Iraq from falling under Soviet Communist domination. In the shadow of Sputnik and armed with an alarmist Special National Intelligence Estimate (SNIE) on the future of Iraq, the intelligence community, the State Department, the Pentagon, and activist interventionist elements in the Eisenhower Administration argued about the necessity of preemptive intervention to avert disaster. The intervention never happened; the Communist threat disappeared; and Iraq continued on its fractious, brutal road careening between instability to dictatorship. What made the difference? Quite simply, while the man in the Oval Office, Dwight Eisenhower, may have known little about Iraq, he knew something about the military, about occupations, about diplomacy, and about a conservative approach to serving the interests of the United States. SOURCE: Middle East Institute Middle East Institute Fri, 04 Apr 2008 13:00:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23417 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23417 Since the fall of the Soviet Empire, the rationale behind NATO's existence has been questioned. How­ever, not only is NATO necessary for the West's pro­tection, but its broader raison d'être has never been more meaningful. The common values that unite NATO members—freedom, liberty, human rights, and the rule of law—remain under threat from both state and non-state actors that are using asymmetric and symmetrical tactics. It remains in America's vital interest to maintain and revitalize the NATO Alliance to address the global challenges of today and the future. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghani­stan has exposed strategic and political shortcomings, and the alliance must use the Bucharest Summit on April 2–4 to initiate reforms designed to cope with the demands of this rapidly changing security environ­ment. NATO now needs a new post–Cold War role. SOURCE: The Heritage Foundation The Heritage Foundation Fri, 04 Apr 2008 11:49:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23415 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23415 The UK government claims to have a rigorous and responsible licensing system to control its arms exports. Civil servants from four government departments assess applications for arms exports against a set of criteria that includes human rights, internal repression and regional stability. Under New Labour, the UK has signed up to a ban on the manufacture and export of torture equipment, an international agreement to ban landmines, and it issues regular reports on arms exports. That’s the good news. The bad news is, the UK is still one of the world’s largest arms exporting states, and the government licences weaponry and military equipment for export to repressive states, conflict zones and areas of regional instability. Exports to states such as Indonesia, Israel and Saudi Arabia are just a few of the examples that raise concerns in the media and amongst non-governmental organisations and campaigners. The UK is consistently one of the world’s top five arms exporters, granting billions of pounds’ worth of licences most years. SOURCE: Campaign Against Arms Trade Campaign Against Arms Trade Thu, 03 Apr 2008 15:33:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23405 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23405 We gather in Bucharest to reaffirm our determination to help the people and the elected Government of Afghanistan build an enduring stable, secure, prosperous and democratic state, respectful of human rights and free from the threat of terrorism. Afghanistan is the Alliance’s key priority. We recognised after the tragic events of 11 September 2001, that Euro-Atlantic and broader international security is tied to Afghanistan’s stability and future. Our presence in Afghanistan is at the request of the Government of Afghanistan and mandated by the United Nations. Neither we nor our Afghan partners will allow extremists and terrorists such as the Taliban or al-Qaeda, to regain control of Afghanistan or use it as a base for terror that threatens all of our people and has been felt in many of our countries and beyond. As we help Afghanistan rebuild, our guiding principles are: a firm and shared long-term commitment; support for enhanced Afghan leadership and responsibility; a comprehensive approach by the international community, bringing together civilian and military efforts; and increased cooperation and engagement with Afghanistan’s neighbours, especially Pakistan. SOURCE: North Atlantic Treaty Organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization Thu, 03 Apr 2008 12:51:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23381 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23381 This document aims to give an account of the presence and absence of policies on reparation, truth and justice in Spain from a comparative perspective. First of all, the main rules on material reparation that have been approved in Spain since Franco's death will be introduced. This will be followed by a comparison of the transitional measures of justice adopted in Spain, Chile and Argentina. The intention is to examine how different countries have responded to the similar challenges that emerge in the inevitably awkward and uncertain process of transition to democracy. SOURCE: Peace Justice Conference // Crisis Management Initiative Peace Justice Conference // Crisis Management Initiative Wed, 02 Apr 2008 16:21:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23351 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23351 Cette Note du Cerfa, publiée à l'occasion du sommet de l'OTAN à Bucarest (2-4 avril 2008), s'intéresse aux positions allemandes sur certains des points de friction les plus importants au sein de l'Alliance. Dans un premier temps, l'auteur analyse la façon dont l'Allemagne perçoit les grands sujets à l'agenda politique du sommet de Bucarest : notamment le partage des risques en Afghanistan, la transformation des forces armées et la Force de réaction rapide de l'OTAN, ainsi que la défense antimissile de l'OTAN. Il consacre ensuite un chapitre au rapprochement de la France vis-à-vis de l'Alliance, tel qu'il est perçu outre-Rhin. Pour finir, Henning Riecke présente quatre thèse pour une politique d'alliance pragmatique, permettant peut-être de résoudre les différentes contradictions de la politique allemande vis-à-vis de l'OTAN. SOURCE: Institut français des relations internationales Institut français des relations internationales Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:27:56 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23348 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23348 Few would have thought in 1990 that NATO had a bright future. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the demise of the Warsaw Pact had pundits and academics alike predicting NATO’s demise. But instead of withering away, NATO has spent the last 18 years redefining itself and taking on new missions. It has expanded into Central and Eastern Europe, ensuring the spread of democracy and stability; helped to end conflict in the former Yugoslavia; and provided relief for the victims of natural disasters in Pakistan and on America’s Gulf coast. Today the Alliance is on the front line of the struggle against global terrorism with a full on campaign against al Qaeda and Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:25:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23347 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23347 Ahead of a presidential trip to Europe built around the upcoming summit of the Atlantic alliance in Romania, President Bush said his chief goal “is to make sure NATO stays relevant.” The best way to do that, he said, is to “deal with the threats of Afghanistan.” Yet when Bush arrives in Bucharest for the three-day summit, he’ll find his allies often define relevance differently. NATO, experts say, suffers from a deficit of strategic vision. The definition and redefinition since 1991 of an alliance once held together by the Soviet threat has yet to produce a long-term strategy everyone can coalesce around. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:05:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23344 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23344 August 2008 marks the fifth anniversary of NATO’s presence in Afghanistan. Set against the devastating effect of decades of conflict, these five years have witnessed substantial progress in all spheres of Afghan life – from a reasonably stable security situation in most of the country to a massive increase in the number of health clinics and children in schools. Since 2003, NATO-ISAF has gradually extended its reach and is now responsible for security across the whole country. The number of our troops has grown steadily from the initial 5,000 in Kabul to the current 47,000 ISAF personnel in theatre. Today, large parts of the country are relatively stable with no or very few security incidents per month even if the security situation in southern Afghanistan and parts of the East remains challenging for international and Afghan security forces. SOURCE: North Atlantic Treaty Organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization Mon, 31 Mar 2008 12:57:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23249 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23249 NATO’s upcoming summit in Bucharest this April comes at a particularly challenging moment in the Alliance’s history. In Afghanistan, NATO forces face a resurgent Taliban in the south, widespread corruption across the country, and steady growth in the illicit narcotics industry. Closer to home, the Alliance must contend with the prospect of renewed violence in the Balkans and an increasingly strained relationship with Russia over missile defense, Kosovo, Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE), and NATO’s open door policy to the East. Broader “theological” issues are also at stake, with critics on both sides of the Atlantic calling attention to NATO’s lack of political cohesion, outmoded strategic concept, and poor coordination with other institutional actors, including the European Union and United Nations. SOURCE: British American Security Information Council British American Security Information Council Mon, 31 Mar 2008 12:15:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23247 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23247 Afghanistan presents NATO with both its greatest opportunity and its most pressing threat. An alliance established to secure Europe from the might of the Soviet Union at a time dominated by Cold War tensions is now struggling to find its direction in a very different environment, and is under pressure to transform its way of operating at both military and political levels. The current tensions within the alliance do not constitute the first intramural crisis in NATO’s history, but they are potentially the most corrosive. If NATO’s Afghanistan mission comes to be seen as a failure, it is difficult to envisage other constructive purposes to which the alliance might readily be put in a post-Soviet world. NATO as an Atlantic alliance depends on a web of working relationships between NATO capitals, which a failure in a theater of operations such as Afghanistan could easily rupture. SOURCE: Chatham House Chatham House Mon, 31 Mar 2008 11:31:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23241 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23241 As you all know, Afghanistan will be at the forefront of discussion in the forthcoming NATO summit in Bucharest. And the temptation is to say, once again. Since 2001, Afghanistan has always been in the conversation about international relations, has always been at the forefront of international relations. There was a period of, how could I say – perhaps it was briefly forgotten, but never for very long. And it seemed that we are facing there an unending conflict. It took a new dimension, obviously, in 2001 because of 9/11, but also because suddenly NATO decided to move in. And that was something new, not only for Afghanistan definitely but definitely for NATO. It changed the nature of the alliance. It did raise a number of issues. And with these new questions came, obviously, new problems. SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Mon, 31 Mar 2008 11:24:10 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23239 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23239 Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more. SOURCE: Foreign Policy Foreign Policy Wed, 26 Mar 2008 11:56:10 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23137 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23137 Dans un monde effervescent et peu prévisible, la reconstruction d’une pensée stratégique appuyée sur un outil souple de décèlement précoce est désormais cruciale. Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, le terrorisme et le crime organisé ont connu une mutation, une mondialisation, et des hybridations telles qu’ils débordent largement du cadre statique et rétrospectif où ils s’étudiaient hier. Désormais irriguée par le concept de « sécurité globale », une nouvelle pensée stratégique se doit d’intégrer défense nationale, sécurité publique, protection des entreprises ou sécurité environnementale. Avec ces bouleversements en tête, le président de la République annonçait le 3 janvier 2008, lors du point d’étape sur la rédaction du livre blanc, la création d’un Conseil de sécurité et de défense nationale et d’un conseil consultatif composé de personnalités nommées par le chef de l’État. Cette décision s’inspirait notamment des propositions initiales émises par notre mission en étroite coordination avec le président de la commission du livre blanc. Cette création annoncée suscite une double urgence. D’une part, de reconstruire une pensée stratégique. D’autre part, celle de concevoir les contenus et les missions de ces nouveaux dispositifs qui visent à moderniser les structures de sécurité et de défense de la Nation. Cet ensemble permettra ensuite de : - gérer les crises non militaires ; - coordonner le renseignement préventif ; - déceler les signaux faibles et ainsi suivre au jour le jour l’évolution des dangers et menaces. Les outils proposés par ce rapport sont volontairement neutres. Ils ne définissent pas la politique déterminée par les élus de la Nation. Chacun conservant naturellement sa liberté de critique ou d’approbation hors du cadre de la mission. Voici donc les pistes de réflexion qui s’ouvrent à ce moment crucial pour la redéfinition des missions stratégiques : choisir de rester à la table des grands - donc déceler, diagnostiquer, puis prévenir ou riposter - ou devenir une simple force supplétive. Tel est le sens de ce rapport. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 26 Mar 2008 11:53:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23135 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23135 Since the Turkish military intervention of 1974 there have been numerous international diplomatic initiatives aimed at restoring the unity of Cyprus. All have failed. The most recent was the Annan Plan, which was accepted by the Turkish Cypriots but rejected, by a large majority, by the Greek Cypriots. The original premise of this paper was that settlement was increasingly unlikely because, with increasing interaction, the need for it declines and with it the imperative for a settlement. With further investigation this belief was shown to be untrue. While there is more interaction between the two communities, this is not sufficient to validate the hypothesis. The interesting question then becomes. Why is there no movement towards a settlement when, to an outside observer, there appears no insuperable impediment to a settlement? The paper begins with a short discussion of the nature of settlements, followed by a brief synopsis of the recent history of Cyprus. The brunt of the paper is a discussion of contemporary Cyprus which emphasizes why a settlement of the Cyprus problem is unlikely in the near future. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association Annual Convention of the International Studies Association Wed, 26 Mar 2008 10:53:33 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23122 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23122 On May 9, 2007, a power-sharing arrangement for governing Northern Ireland was formalized, ending more than thirty years of violence. This followed by nine years the historic Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, signed in April 1998, which was the culmination of formal negotiations to end “the troubles.” The process of negotiating an end to the violence was a long process and not an easy one. One of the issues surrounding the negotiations was who would be invited to sit at the table and to take part in the actual discussions. It was important to many women who had not only been directly affected by the violence but who also wanted to have input into the discussions about what the country would look like after the period of violence officially ended, that they be represented at the talks so that women’s perspectives and issues (i.e., social justice issues, including gender equality) could become part of the conversation. The Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) was created specifically to give women a seat at the table and a voice in the negotiations. Yet, the NIWC was formally disbanded in May 2006, following a number of years in which the party could no longer get representatives elected to office. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // Whittier College // Clark University Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // Whittier College // Clark University