Items related to "Human Security Gateway: East Africa". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:18 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:18 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Wed, 14 May 2008 15:47:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24369 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24369 « Grande campagne de miracle », « programme spécial de guérison divine », « soirée de délivrance et de prophétie » : de telles annonces fleurissent sur les murs des grandes métropoles africaines, témoignant de la visibilité croissante des manifestations pentecôtistes en Afrique subsaharienne. Depuis plusieurs années, l’expansion du pentecôtisme sur le continent suscite un intérêt grandissant. Pour beaucoup d’observateurs, la croissance de ce courant chrétien, qui se manifeste notamment par une pratique religieuse expressive et démonstrative, provoque une certaine méfiance. Un grand nombre d’idées reçues accompagne en effet le développement des Églises et des mouvements pentecôtistes : le phénomène serait entièrement nouveau, il serait massif et déstabiliserait les autres forces religieuses, il enfermerait les individus dans de nouvelles identités, il serait dirigé depuis les États-Unis, correspondrait à l’imposition d’un modèle américain et ferait le jeu de la politique états-unienne, etc… Pourtant, des études novatrices ont été conduites depuis une quinzaine d’années, tant par des chercheurs européens qu’africains. Elles permettent de dresser un état des lieux du pentecôtisme sur le continent en soulignant notamment, par ce biais, l’insertion de l’Afrique subsaharienne dans la globalisation. Elles soulignent également la pluralité du phénomène, représenté par des milliers d’Églises différentes et sa complexité. Elles insistent enfin sur l’ambivalence d’un mouvement qui contribue à la création de nouvelles sociabilités tout en renforçant l’individualisation, et entretient de multiples formes de relation au politique. SOURCE: Institut français des relations internationales Institut français des relations internationales Wed, 14 May 2008 13:22:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24358 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24358 Si le nombre total de cas de VIH notifiés reste modeste (à l’exception du Soudan), les chiffres sont en hausse dans plusieurs pays, en raison notamment de l’élargissement des activités de dépistage du VIH. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Wed, 14 May 2008 12:51:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24354 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24354 Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Afrique australe, Afrique de l’Est, Afrique de l’Ouest et Afrique centrale, et Afrique centrale, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: le double défi de la tuberculose et du VIH, circonsion masculine et préventions du VIH, epidémies latentes parmi les hommes ayant des rapports sexuels avec des hommes, la consommation de drogues injectables: un facteur croissant dans plusiers épidémies de VIH de L'Afrique Subsaharienne, et signes de changements vers des comportements à moindre risque. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Wed, 14 May 2008 11:52:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24342 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24342 The imperatives of peace and justice are often juxtaposed, as if they pose a choice between two mutually exclusive options. As the ICTJ increasingly works in contexts with varying degrees of conflict or transition, we are sometimes confronted by the notion that justice must either wait or be sacrificed entirely for peace. The Center’s work has affirmed that both peace and justice may be pursued simultaneously, including in countries where a transition may not have occurred yet or where conditions remain precarious (continued below). SOURCE: International Center for Transitional Justice International Center for Transitional Justice Wed, 14 May 2008 11:48:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24341 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24341 The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 1769 (2007), by which the Council requested me to report every 30 days on the status of financial, logistical and administrative arrangements for the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) and on the extent of progress by UNAMID towards full operational capability. The report covers significant developments during the month of April 2008, including the security and humanitarian situation in Darfur. It also provides an update on the Darfur political process. SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report United Nations Secretary General Report Wed, 14 May 2008 11:35:42 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24338 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24338 Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique est le fruit de larges travaux de recherche sur les pratiques de gouvernance entrepris dans 27 pays africains par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique (CEA), par l’intermédiaire d’instituts nationaux de recherche, qui ont recueilli, ensemble par échantillonnage, les opinions de plus de 50 000 ménages et de 2 000 experts. Les conclusions, soumises à la CEA entre 2002 et 2004, ont fait l’objet d’un processus rigoureux d’examens auxquels ont participé des experts nationaux et internationaux travaillant sur la gouvernance et les questions politiques et économiques. Ce rapport est la première grande étude de ce type initiée par les pays africains, qui vise à analyser de façon empirique les opinions des citoyens quant à l’état de la gouvernance dans leurs pays, tout en mettant en évidence les principaux déficits de capacité dans les pratiques et institutions de gouvernance et en recommandant des pratiques optimales et des solutions pour y faire face. On s’est attaché à assurer l’appropriation locale de l’ensemble empirique de résultats afin de renforcer l’efficacité et la légitimité de la prise de décisions et de l’effort de sensibilisation aux niveaux national et infrarégional. Les données ainsi générées peuvent être utilisées pour mesurer la performance des gouvernements et de toutes les principales parties prenantes dans leur réponse aux préoccupations exprimées par les citoyens et pour suivre la mesure dans laquelle le contrat qu’ils ont passé entre eux est respecté. Nous avons pris soin de ne pas être trop directif. Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique contient des recommandations qui découlent essentiellement des réalités propres aux pays, car, pour être durable, la gouvernance doit être replacée dans son contexte et internalisée. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Wed, 14 May 2008 11:02:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24335 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24335 Le présent rapport fait la synthèse de la première grande étude continentale visant à mesurer et contrôler les « Progrès accomplis sur la voie de la bonne gouvernance en Afrique », entreprise par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, des enquêtes et des recherches ont été menées sur 28 pays. Les résultats complets et l’analyse de l’étude seront publiés en 2005 dans le premier «Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique ». La CEA a entrepris ce travail pour évaluer l’idée que les citoyens se font de l’état de la gouvernance en Afrique, pour rassembler des informations sur les meilleures pratiques et pour identifier les principaux besoins de la région en matière de développement des capacités. Le projet a identifié quatre tendances positives sur la voie de la création d’États compétents en Afrique: transitions démocratiques, ouverture politique, liberté d’expression et obligation comptable, et gestion économique. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Wed, 14 May 2008 10:30:40 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24333 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24333 The Sudanese conception of citizenship differs from the Western understanding of it. In Sudan and the Middle East generally, there is a sharp distinction between a person’s “public” rights regulating for example political rights and the “private” rights regulating civil rights such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, maintenance and financial custody of children, and alimony. In Sudan, the “private” civil rights are the legal domain of the religious and tribal communities. Research on gender in the Middle East claim that religiously anchored “private” civil rights systematically discriminate women. SOURCE: Chr. Michelsen Institute Chr. Michelsen Institute Wed, 14 May 2008 10:25:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 Ce document porte sur le conflit des Grands Lacs en Afrique, qui a donné naissance au génocide rwandais en 1994 avant d'aboutir à l'affrontement de sept pays sur le même sol de la république démocratique du congo. Ces nombreux affrontements de plus de quarante ans qui ont opposé les hutu et les tutsi ont coûté beaucoup à l'Afrique, particulièrement sur le plan économique. Il a fallu attendre les années 2004 pour qu'un espoir de paix se fasse jour ; une paix à laquelle la communauté internationale veut apporter un timide soutien. Le portail propose également une rubrique "Repères", ainsi qu'une carte géographique du continent africain. Table des matières : Introduction I- Un conflit ancien 1.Hutu et Tutsi : 40 ans d'affrontements 2.Le génocide rwandais de 1994 3.Le premier conflit du Zaïre 1996-1997 II- La régionalisation du conflit 1998-2003 1.Sept pays en guerre sur le sol de la Rép. dém. du Congo (RDC) 2.Un conflit meurtrier 3.Le pillage des ressources naturelles III- La RDC entre paix et guerre depuis 2003 1.La transition démocratique 2.Persistance des violences SOURCE: La Documentation française, Paris, France La Documentation française, Paris, France Tue, 13 May 2008 11:56:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24323 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24323 The armed conflict and humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan has become a rallying cry for Western civil society, and is held to represent the worst series of ongoing human rights violations in the world today.Yet try as it might, the international community has not been able to stall the bloodshed, nor has the government in Khartoum shown great interest in pacifying the restive region. On Wednesday April 9, FRIDE held a closed seminar on international organisations’ response to the Darfur crisis. It is generally accepted that the outcome of the missions (UNAMID and EUFOR) in the region is highly unpredictable, and that the UN, the European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) are facing one of the largest humanitarian crises of the 21st century, testing the credibility and reputation of all three organisations. SOURCE: Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Tue, 13 May 2008 11:48:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24321 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24321 On 13 October 2005, the International Criminal Court unsealed warrants of arrest for five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) for the forced conscription of children and other war crimes in northern Uganda. We compiled a database of 25,231 children and youth who had been registered by receptions centers in northern Uganda after their return from the LRA. Most of the LRA returnees were thirteen to eighteen years old (37 percent) and nineteen to thirty years old (24 percent). Twenty-four percent of the LRA returnees were female and 76 percent were male. The average length of abduction was 342 days, and the median number of days of abduction was ninety-two days. Among women aged nineteen to thirty years old, the average length of abduction was four and one half years. At the multivariate level, gender, age, and the interaction between them were associated with length of captivity (F-Statistic = 229.8, p-value = 0.0001). Using triangulation methods, we estimate the LRA abducted 54,000 to 75,000 people, including 25,000 to 38,000 children, into their ranks between 1986 and 2006. SOURCE: Human Rights Quarterly Human Rights Quarterly Mon, 12 May 2008 13:43:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 In February 2006, Ugandans voted in the first multi-party elections in almost 26 years. President Yoweri Museveni and his ruling National Revolutionary Movement (NRM) parliamentary candidates won a decisive victory over opposition candidate Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democracy Coalition. Nevertheless, poll results showed a notable decline in support for President Museveni from previous elections. International election observers did not condemn the election results, nor did they fully endorse the electoral process. Critics charged the government with intimidating the opposition during the pre-election period, and Besigye spent much of the campaign period in jail. The election followed a controversial move by the Ugandan parliament in July 2005 to remove the constitutional two-term limit on the presidency. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 13:36:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24303 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24303 The brutality of the Khartoum regime's military actions in the Darfur region of western Sudan continually forces a question that seems to have no morally intelligible answer: Is there no act of civilian destruction so cruel, so savage, that the international community will finally respond vigorously and unambiguously? On May 4, at about 4 p.m., a school was bombed in the village of Shegeg Karo in North Darfur; one classroom was destroyed, killing six students and injuring others. The village marketplace was also bombed, killing several people and destroying most of the shops in this vestige of a shattered agricultural economy. SOURCE: Christian Science Monitor // Reeves, Eric Christian Science Monitor // Reeves, Eric Mon, 12 May 2008 12:40:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 Kenya, a nation of about 36.9 million people, has been an important ally of the United States for decades. Kenya moved from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy in 1992. Kenyans voted in record numbers in the country’s first multiparty election in almost 26 years. President Daniel arap Moi defeated opposition candidates by a small margin. In 1997, Kenya held its second multi-party elections, at the height of tensions between the opposition and the ruling party. President Moi was re-elected with 40% of the votes cast, while his nearest rival, Mwai Kibaki, won 31%. In the 2002 presidential and parliamentary elections, the opposition National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) defeated the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU). In the presidential election, NARC leader Kibaki defeated Uhuru Kenyatta, the leader of KANU. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:39:17 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa, has been ravaged by civil war intermittently for four decades. More than 2 million people have died in Southern Sudan over the past two decades due to war-related causes and famine, and millions have been displaced from their homes. There were many failed attempts to end the civil war in southern Sudan, including efforts by Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia, former President Jimmy Carter, and the United States. In July 2002, the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) signed a peace framework agreement in Kenya. On May 26, 2004, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed three protocols on Power Sharing, on the Nuba Mountains and southern Blue Nile, and on the long disputed Abyei area. The signing of these protocols resolved all outstanding issues between the parties. On June 5, 2004, the parties signed “the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan.” On January 9, 2005, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the final peace agreement at a ceremony held in Nairobi, Kenya. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Thu, 08 May 2008 12:38:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24242 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24242 Lord’s Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony’s failure to sign a peace deal in April drove a nail into the coffin of the Juba peace process—a process that is grinding to an unsuccessful end.[1] The talks have certainly contributed to northern Uganda’s current state of relative peace and created a mechanism to address tensions between the people in the North and the southern-dominated government in Kampala. But without real leverage and without a direct channel of negotiations to Kony himself, the LRA leader has exploited this last year of negotiations to stave off international pressure, collect food and money from the mediators and donors, and buy time to abduct, train, and equip new combatants. Another meeting with the LRA high command and the mediators set for May 10 looks like it will just be more of the same. SOURCE: ENOUGH Project ENOUGH Project Thu, 08 May 2008 12:15:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24241 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24241 Sudan’s 5th population census began on 22 April. National and international monitors monitored census enumeration in 25 States. SAF and SPLA lift restriction on UNMIS for 14 days to verify allegations of new troop reinforcements in Abyei. Meanwhile, all three migration corridors through Sector VI have now been covered by Dinka-Misseriya agreements. Volatility in the Three Areas forced suspension of north-south return movements, while the number of refugees repatriated from Uganda exceeded benchmarks. Blue Nile Assessment and Evaluation Commission toured the State to assess efforts by SPLM and NCP towards CPA implementation. SOURCE: United Nations Mission in Sudan United Nations Mission in Sudan Wed, 07 May 2008 10:55:58 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24188 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24188 Généralités: Les données fiables sur les conséquences obstétricales des mutilations génitales féminines sont rares. L’étude porte sur les effets des différents types de mutilations sur le devenir obstétrical des femmes. Méthodes: 28 393 femmes se présentant pour une naissance unique entre novembre 2001 et mars 2003 dans 28 centres d’obstétrique au Burkina Faso, au Ghana, au Kenya, au Nigéria, au Sénégal et au Soudan, ont été examinées avant l’accouchement pour vérifier si elles avaient subi des mutilations ou pas, et ont été classées selon le système de l’OMS : mutilation de type I, excision du prépuce, avec ou sans excision partielle ou totale du clitoris ; mutilation de type II, excision du clitoris, avec excision partielle ou totale des petites lèvres ; mutilation de type III, excision partielle ou totale des organes génitaux externes et suture ou rétrécissement de l’orifice vaginal (infibulation). Des informations prospectives sur les facteurs démographiques, sanitaires et génésiques ont été recueillies. Les participantes et leurs nouveau-nés ont été suivis jusqu’à la sortie de la mère de l’hôpital. Interprétation: Les femmes qui ont subi des mutilations génitales féminines ont une probabilité nettement plus élevée de complications obstétricales que celles qui n’en ont pas subi. Il semble aussi que le risque augmente avec l’ampleur de la mutilation. SOURCE: Organisation mondiale de la santé Organisation mondiale de la santé Tue, 06 May 2008 15:17:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24170 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24170 The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)’s use of abducted children and youth has been much researched, and the horrors of their experiences in captivity and difficulties reintegrating into their communities recorded. Nonetheless, the existing disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration strategies pursued to date are brief and insufficient interventions. This project was conducted by Justice and Reconciliation Project and Quaker Peace & Social Witness. Both organisations had encountered in the course of previous research the existence of self-formed groups of formerly abducted persons (FAPs) / former-LRA, and wanted to assess the role they could and did play in the process of grassroots level reintegration and reconciliation. We identified 21 such groups spread across IDP camps in the four Acholi districts of Gulu, Amuru, Kitgum and Pader ranging in size from 8 members to 232. Some were exclusively former-LRA; others had opted to admit other war-affected youth. SOURCE: Justice and Reconciliation Project Northern Uganda // Quaker Peace and Social Witness Justice and Reconciliation Project Northern Uganda // Quaker Peace and Social Witness Tue, 06 May 2008 11:02:42 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24155 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24155 Kenya, the island of peace in the volatile Great Lakes region of Africa, recently experienced violence of alarming proportions. After the contested presidential elections on December 27, 2007, hundreds were killed, thousands wounded, and hundreds of thousands displaced; property and infrastructure worth billions were destroyed. Kenyans, who voted peacefully and in unprecedented large numbers, were shocked and enraged first by the fraudulent election and then by the violence that terrorized large parts of the country. International observers seemed similarly stunned and unsure of how to respond; long considered the stable country in a region wracked by war, Kenya’s violence has serious implications for the entire East Africa/Great Lakes region. SOURCE: World Policy Journal World Policy Journal Tue, 06 May 2008 10:32:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24152 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24152 The founding of the African Union (AU) in 2002 marked the end of the policy of non-intervention on the continent. In 2003, the AU sent troops to Burundi, which are now operating under UN command. The situation in Sudan looks similar today. The AU is cooperating with the UN in what is called a “hybrid mission”. Only time will tell whether this is a model worth copying. One side had Kalashni­kovs, bazookas and two helicopters – those were the African Union Mission (AMIS) troops in the western Sudanese province of Darfur, deployed in 2004 to enforce a cease-fire agreement. However, no local force adhered to the agreement, neither the numerous rebel groups, nor the government’s troops and the paramilitary militias that the Khartum regime supports . They all had grenades and machine guns installed on top of military vehicles, and were thus better equipped than the AU troops. Moreover, Sudan’s regular forces also commanded military helicopters and Antonov bombers, which had struck fear in the southern Sudan civil war. SOURCE: Development and Cooperation Development and Cooperation Mon, 05 May 2008 15:19:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24143 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24143 China has featured prominently in recent international coverage of Sudan. The high–water mark of attention came with the build up to and passing of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1769 that authorised an African Union–UN mission for Darfur. China’s vote in favour of this resolution was widely greeted. It prompted unusually positive headlines, which contrasted with previous coverage of its role in Sudan (such as ‘Empowering Evil: China aids Sudan’s killers’, Brookes 2007). Subsequent eventshave continued to place China at the forefront of coverage of Sudan. This has happened for good reason given the economic importance of China to Sudan and that China’s Sudan engagement has acquired wider significance in relation to expanding Chinese engagement in Africa and in the world at large. Darfur has internationalised China’s relations with Sudan in a manner that has rendered its involvement in the region a defining episode in its wider foreign relations. SOURCE: Institute for Security Studies Institute for Security Studies Fri, 02 May 2008 12:10:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24086 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24086 Kenya’s post-election violence, which claimed an estimated 1,000 lives and displaced 350,000 people, appears to have abated. An agreement at the end of February to share power between government and opposition leaders has raised hopes of a return to stability. Because of Kenya’s role as an economic powerhouse in the East African region, the seemingly brief crisis has already had significant economic and social repercussions well beyond the country’s borders, and many worry that a resumption of conflict could have truly devastating consequences. Violence broke out in Kenya on 30 December after Mwai Kibaki, the incumbent, was declared winner of the presidential election over Raila Odinga, despite objections by the opposition and election observers that the vote tally was seriously flawed. In addition to attacks by armed groups from the two sides, protesters’ roadblocks along the main highways between Kenya and neighbouring countries curtailed trade and manufacturing in the region. SOURCE: Africa Renewal // United Nations Africa Renewal // United Nations Fri, 02 May 2008 11:34:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24080 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24080 This week marks a grim and largely unnoticed anniversary. On April 27, 2007, International Criminal Court judges issued arrest warrants for two men involved in the massive, ongoing atrocities in the Darfur region of western Sudan: Former state minister of the interior Ahmed Haroun, and Ali Kushayb, a key leader of the brutal Arab militia known as Janjaweed. Both are charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity. Evidence in the ICC cases against both men is overwhelming, including numerous eyewitness accounts from victims as well as compelling documentary evidence. Yet Khartoum refuses to extradite or lift a finger in prosecuting either man. No surprise there. Were Mr. Haroun and Mr. Kushayb to testify in the Hague, where the ICC is based, the most senior members of the Khartoum regime would be at obvious risk of indictment themselves. Mr. Haroun in particular could point far up the military and civilian chain of command. SOURCE: Wall Street Journal // Reeves, Eric Wall Street Journal // Reeves, Eric Thu, 01 May 2008 10:59:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24042 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24042 The Security Council, Recalling all its resolutions and presidential statements concerning the situation in the Sudan, Recalling also its previous resolutions 1674 (2006) on the protection of civilians in armed conflict, which reaffirms, inter alia, the relevant provisions of the United Nations World Summit outcome document, 1612 (2005) on children in armed conflict, 1502 (2003) on the protection of humanitarian and United Nations personnel, 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security, Reaffirming its commitment to the sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity of the Sudan and to the cause of peace, Commending the work of the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) in support of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), commending the continued commitment by troop-contributing countries in support of this mission, and also commending UNMIS’s efforts in assisting in the transition of the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to the United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). SOURCE: United Nations Security Council United Nations Security Council Thu, 01 May 2008 10:04:06 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24032 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24032 Armed conflicts are defined as political conflicts in which armed combat involves the armed forces of at least one state or one or more armed factions seeking to gain control of all or part of the state, and in which at least 1,000 people have been killed by the fighting during the course of the conflict. Globally, the number of armed conflicts has been decreasing since 1995, when it peaked at 44 recorded civil wars. By 2003, seven of these conflicts had ended, and in 2003 there were 37 active conflicts in the world. More than 80 percent of these conflicts were in Asia and Africa. The latter continent harbored 42 percent of all conflicts in 2003, involving 28 states and their neighboring countries. Many governmental and nongovernmental organizations, as well as research scholars, evaluate the human impact of civil conflict for operational and policy purposes. These evaluations typically measure not only direct casualties due to violence but often indirect casualties among persons affected by the breakdown of the health and social-service infrastructure and its consequences. SOURCE: John Hopkins University John Hopkins University Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:36:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24026 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24026 Le présent rapport est établi en application du paragraphe 6 de la résolution 1769 (2007) du Conseil de sécurité, par lequel le Conseil m’a prié de lui rendre compte tous les 30 jours de l’application du paragraphe 5 de ladite résolution, notamment de l’état des arrangements financiers, logistiques et administratifs concernant l’Opération hybride Union africaine-Nations Unies au Darfour (MINUAD) et des progrès que celle-ci accomplit en vue d’être pleinement opérationnelle. Le rapport porte sur les mesures prises pour atteindre ces objectifs durant le mois de février 2008. Un rapport distinct sera présenté en application du paragraphe 21 de la résolution 1769 (2007). SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Wed, 30 Apr 2008 13:37:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24006 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24006 The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 11 of Security Council resolution 1590 (2005), in which the Council requested that it be kept regularly informed of progress in implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in the Sudan. The report provides an assessment of the overall situation in the country since my previous report, dated 31 January 2008 (S/2008/64). Pursuant to Security Council resolution 1784 (2007), the present report also provides an assessment of any changes that may be needed to the current mandate of the United Nations Mission in the Sudan (UNMIS) to enhance its ability to assist the parties in the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. In addition, the report provides an assessment of progress in the implementation of plans for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and sets out benchmarks for achieving further progress in that area, as requested by the Council in its Resolution 1784 (2007). SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report United Nations Secretary General Report Wed, 30 Apr 2008 11:40:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23996 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23996 Depuis la première guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), les pays arabes du Proche-Orient et du Maghreb ont connu une succession de bouleversements qui, partout ailleurs, auraient déstabilisé bien des pouvoirs. Pourtant, la plupart ont réussi à maintenir des structures archaïques que ni la seconde guerre mondiale ni la décolonisation n’avaient fait disparaître. Une opposition efficace peine à émerger alors que les dirigeants tentent de se refaire une virginité aux yeux du monde. SOURCE: Centre Tricontinental Centre Tricontinental Wed, 30 Apr 2008 09:31:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23977 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23977 Le présent rapport est la mise à jour d’un précédent document publié en octobre 2005 et constitue une déclinaison régionale du rapport de la FIDH intitulé « L’antiterrorisme à l’épreuve des droits de l’Homme : les clés de la compatibilité », en apportant un éclairage sur la situation prévalant en Afrique sub-saharienne. Si la menace d’attentats terroristes en Afrique subsaharienne est avérée (pour exemples, les attentats terroristes à la bombe perpétrés le 7 août 1998 à Nairobi et à Dar es-Salaam), les leaders de la campagne internationale de lutte conte le terrorisme – au premier chef les États-Unis d’Amérique - considèrent surtout que cette partie du monde peut être un terreau fertile au recrutement de terroristes, une cache potentielle pour les terroristes, un lieu sécurisé pour l’acquisition illicite d’armes ainsi qu’un terrain privilégié pour les transactions financières opaques liées aux activités terroristes. Pour ces raisons, le Comité des Nations unies contre le terrorisme, créé par la résolution 13733 du Conseil de sécurité, appelle les États africains à ratifier les conventions internationales de lutte contre les actes terroristes et harmoniser leur droit interne en conséquence. Notamment, le Comité insiste sur la nécessaire criminalisation de l’acte terroriste et du financement du terrorisme dans leur législation pénale, ainsi que sur la mise en oeuvre de politiques d’asile et d’immigration plus strictes. Ainsi, sous pression diplomatique mais aussi politique et économique de la communauté internationale et parfois même par opportunisme sécuritaire, les États d’Afrique subsaharienne ont massivement ratifié les conventions internationales et régionales de la lutte contre le terrorisme, notamment la Convention de l’Organisation de l’unité africaine sur la prévention et la lutte contre le terrorisme. Par ailleurs, de nombreux États ont intégré dans leur droit interne des dispositions spécifiques de lutte contre le terrorisme. Si la lutte contre le terrorisme est légitime et nécessaire, l’analyse du cadre juridique régional et des législations nationales y afférentes démontre cependant les potentialités liberticides de certaines dispositions. En effet, au prétexte de lutter contre le terrorisme, nombre d’États ont adopté et appliquent des dispositions qui dérogent aux normes internationales de protection des droits de l’Homme qui les lient. D’autres prétendent lutter contre le terrorisme en s’affranchissant de tout cadre légal et ainsi de tout contrôle. En dépit du fait que la lutte anti-terroriste est une question sensible et, en conséquence, se caractérise par le manque de transparence des mesures prises par les États en la matière, le présent rapport présente de nombreux exemples de violations des droits de l’Homme dans le cadre ou au nom de la lutte contre le terrorisme en Afrique Subsaharienne. Il est pourtant nécessaire d’assurer « la compatibilité des législations anti-terroristes avec les droits de l’Homme et les principes démocratiques, pour le succès même de la lutte contre les auteurs d’actes terroristes », comme le soulignait M. Kofi Annan, ancien Secrétaire général des Nations unies devant les membres du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies en janvier 2002. Loin de constituer un obstacle, la revendication d’une lutte anti-terroriste respectueuse des droits fondamentaux participe en effet tant de la recevabilité que d’une plus grande efficacité de celle-ci. Quelle que soit son origine, le terrorisme a pour effet et parfois comme objectif ultime d’annihiler les principes de démocratie, de liberté et d’humanité. Déroger à ces valeurs pour combattre ceux qui cherchent précisément à les détruire reviendrait à leur prêter main forte et à les conforter dans leur aversion des normes universelles qui fondent l’organisation de nos sociétés, qu’elles soient mondiales, régionales, nationales ou locales. Le respect des droits de l’Homme et la lutte antiterroriste sont compatibles. Il faut cesser de les aborder de manière antagoniste. A cet égard, la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples et la future Cour africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples devraient jouer un rôle important dans le contrôle de la conformité des mesures et pratiques des États dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme avec les dispositions internationales et régionales de protection des droits de l’Homme. SOURCE: Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme Tue, 29 Apr 2008 07:59:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23956 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23956 Youth have been both the primary victims and the primary actors in the twenty-two year war between the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army. It was not clear, however, exactly who is suffering, how much, and in what ways. For instance, researchers knew little about the experience of youth: what is the magnitude, incidence, and nature of the violence, trauma, and suffering of youth in northern Uganda? An understanding of the effects of war on women and girls was particularly lacking, whether they were abducted or affected by the violence in other ways. Government, UN, and NGO officials admit a lack of field-based information on the scale of the problems facing young women or the proportion of females facing specific vulnerabilities. As a result, programming is based on rough measures of well-being, immediate and observable needs, and possibly erroneous assumptions about the types of assistance required and the appropriate beneficiary population. Not surprisingly, the targeting of services has been crude. SOURCE: Tufts University // Feinstein International Center Tufts University // Feinstein International Center Fri, 25 Apr 2008 12:10:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23894 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23894 The Darfur region of western Sudan is site of the world’s largest humanitarian operation; it is also on the verge of famine. With an extraordinary annual budget, and almost four years of large-scale presence, the Darfur relief operation will enter the coming rainy season witnessing staggering numbers of malnourished civilians, particularly children. Much of the evidence for this impending catastrophe has been available for some time, but the brutal regime in Khartoum has used its bureaucratic powers and threats of humanitarian expulsion to intimidate both UN and international nongovernmental relief organizations (INGO’s). The most culpable silence is that of the UN children’s agency, UNICEF, lead agency for reporting on malnutrition in Darfur. This is the organization that has calculated it is better to allow critical humanitarian truths to be concealed than to risk offending a genocidal regime that has the perverse power to control humanitarian access. SOURCE: Reeves, Eric Reeves, Eric Fri, 25 Apr 2008 07:58:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23881 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23881 Accusations of irregularities during the December 2007 elections in Kenya sparked widespread violence. Over 1,000 people were killed and as many as 600,000 displaced from their homes. Apart from the immediate humanitarian implications, the economic cost of the crisis is put at over Ksh100 billion (around $1.5bn). Jobs have been lost, and people have not been able to harvest or cultivate their farms. Meanwhile, the ethnic character of the violence has put Kenya’s coherence as a nation in doubt. Although by April 2008 the violence had largely subsided, it was still unclear whether a political agreement reached between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister-designate Raila Odinga would resolve the crisis. SOURCE: Humanitarian Policy Group Humanitarian Policy Group Thu, 24 Apr 2008 15:45:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23880 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23880 During the last decade, an increasing share of foreign aid has been provided to countries coming out of civil war or experiencing severe conflict. Most of these countries—like the Republic of Congo, Sudan, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Liberia—suffer from a combination of conflict, a state in crisis, underdevelopment, and poverty. Under most circumstances, poverty is greatly exacerbated by conflict, but it is also one of a number of factors that may contribute to violent conflict. Addressing what Frances Stewart has called “horizontal inequalities” is, therefore, likely to play a role in preventing the shift from grievance to violence, as well as in building and sustaining peace in postwar situations. In several countries that have suffered from protracted conflict, however, an approach focused on poverty has been slow to emerge. To a large extent, peace-building missions have become statebuilding missions, first, because “fragile states” are seen as a risk both for their society and for international security and, second, because it is broadly assumed that one vital condition for sustainable peace is that the state apparatus has the capacity to exercise core functions of statehood in an efficient, nonviolent, and legitimate way. In the process, however, the extent to which the poverty and marginalization of large rural populations have spurred recent wars has been underestimated. As a consequence, donors and policymakers risk rebuilding the causes of war. SOURCE: International Food Policy Research Institute // Chr Michelsen Institute International Food Policy Research Institute // Chr Michelsen Institute Thu, 24 Apr 2008 15:34:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23877 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23877 Tanzania is a relatively new mining country. This study argues that unclear land and mining rights, and conceptual differences in how land and mining rights are perceived, contribute to considerate conflict in the country and to a feeling among both local people and human rights advocacy groups that the government has betrayed ordinary people. The main challenge with the current legislations is that there was little or no coordination between the lawmakers at the time when the land and mining laws were drafted in the late 1990s. The Village Land Act goes far in providing ordinary people with customary rights to land – but since there has been no surveying or registration, these rights are fluent and unclear. Moreover, since all land is under the president/state, people don’t own land, but have use rights. In cases where the government needs the land for “development purposes” like mining, the law allows the government to order people to move. According to the law, occupants of the land will be paid compensation for the investment/work that they have done on the land, but not for the land itself. SOURCE: Chr. Michelsen Institute Chr. Michelsen Institute Thu, 24 Apr 2008 12:19:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23871 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23871 With the peace process plagued by delays and confusion, and with conditions in return areas often worse than in the IDP camps, the future for IDPs in northern Uganda remains uncertain. In August 2006 the government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) signed a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CHA), which led to significant improvements in the secu-rity situation in northern Uganda. After many delays, progress in the peace negotiations be-tween the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army in early 2008 gave rise to cautious optimism that an end to the conflict in northern Uganda might finally be on the hori-zon after 22 years of war. However, the process stalled again when on 10 April 2008 Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, at the last moment failed to sign a Final Peace Agreement. The CHA has not been renewed and has now expired. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Wed, 23 Apr 2008 14:44:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23840 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23840 While the crisis in Darfur simmers, the larger problem of Sudan's survival as a state is becoming increasingly urgent. Old tensions between the Arabs of the Nile River valley, who have held power for a century, and marginalized groups on the country's periphery are turning into a national crisis. Engagement with Khartoum may be the only way to avert another civil war in Sudan, and even that may not be enough. Few international issues have caught the attention of the American people as much as have the atrocities in Darfur. The Sudanese government and the Janjaweed militias, an Arab supremacist movement, have been carrying out a horrifying campaign of ethnic cleansing against African tribes. Some 2,700 villages have been destroyed, and as a result of the violence and the related starvation and disease, some 250,000 Sudanese have died, most in 2003 and 2004, and another two million have fled to refugee camps. The Bush administration has called these atrocities a genocide. U.S. human rights organizations, U.S. religious institutions, and a burgeoning U.S. student movement have organized a national campaign to ensure that policymakers in Washington do not overlook the crisis. Both the Democratic and the Republican candidates for president have put Darfur on their foreign policy agendas. SOURCE: Foreign Affairs Foreign Affairs Wed, 23 Apr 2008 12:49:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23831 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23831 Though the power sharing agreement signed between Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga was a step towards the end of the political impasse, much remains to be done to address the many social and economic problems that have come to the fore in Kenya since the December 2007 election. The successful implementation of the agreement will have a large impact on the nation’s future, as well as the stability and security of the broader East Africa region. Equally as important will be the resolution of land issues, ethnic tensions and the identification of durable solutions for those who remain displaced. On March 14, the Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement hosted a luncheon seminar on these issues. The discussion focused on the larger political issues in Kenya that have created the volatile situation, steps for successful implementation of the power sharing agreement, actions for civil society groups in Kenya and the humanitarian impact of the violence, for both Kenya and the region. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Wed, 23 Apr 2008 12:05:46 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23826 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23826 The report provides an analysis of the current situation and identification of key issues related to food insecurity and the high rates of malnutrition. It examines current Title II activities and recommends how to increase their impact on food security and nutrition. The study proposes next steps for USAID/Sudan in addressing food security by leveraging Title II and DA funds in a complementary manner that emphasizes the multiple transitions taking place in the areas of livelihoods, education, health, nutrition, institutions and security. Finally, the study recommends next steps for moving towards developing a food security strategy (addressing food availability, access and utilization) for the Mission that reinforces the interdependency of livelihoods, markets and infrastructure. SOURCE: Food and Nutrition Technical Assistance Food and Nutrition Technical Assistance Tue, 22 Apr 2008 10:36:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23791 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23791 It’s bad enough that the international community has failed, five years in, to end the genocide in Darfur, and worse still that it reacted with no urgency when the Darfur crisis bled into neighboring Chad. With the root causes of conflict in each country still untended, this regional crisis is poised to deepen. The agreement signed on March 13 in Dakar, Senegal, between Chadian President Idriss Déby and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir might have appeared a spot of good news for a part of the world that has been on a steady slide toward chaos. It wasn’t. Relations between Chad and Sudan are so volatile and international diplomacy so feeble that a non-aggression pact between the two countries is a warning sign for more conflict to come. These quarrelsome neighbors have signed four peace accords in the past two years, and in each instance fighting broke out shortly thereafter. This time, it took less than a week for the regimes to accuse one another of violating the Dakar Agreement, and just over two weeks for Darfur-based Chadian rebels backed by Khartoum to attack Chadian government forces in the strategic border town of Adé, where pitched gun battles left seven civilians dead and 47 wounded. SOURCE: ENOUGH Project ENOUGH Project Mon, 21 Apr 2008 14:00:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23775 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23775 Competition over land and natural resources has long been a source of tension between different groups in Sudan. In colonial times, confrontation mainly took place over land access, especially among pastoralists and between pastoralists and farmers. The British administration accepted customary rules over land, though the title to land was vested in the government. The Native Administration was delegated to arbitrate between different groups. After independence the colonial system of natural resource management was abolished and tribal leaders were replaced by predominantly northern administrators. New laws concerning land tenure were developed on the principle, introduced by the British, that unregistered land is assumed to be owned by the government unless the contrary is proven. Legislation introduced in the 1970s and 1980s (particularly the Unregistered Land Act of 1970 and the Civil Transaction Act of 1984) further strengthened the privileges of the state and allowed elites close to government to acquire land at the expense of rural people. Expropriations were common particularly in Southern Kordofan (namely in the Nuba Mountains area), where illiterate farmers and pastoralists saw their land assimilated into mechanised farming schemes or simply registered in someone else’s name. These land grabs led to massive displacement and was a main reason why, in the late 1980s, people in Southern Kordofan joined the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) insurgency. Similar displacements occurred in the 1990s, particularly in oil concession areas such as Unity State. Land issues were also at the heart of the conflicts in eastern Sudan and Darfur. SOURCE: Humanitarian Policy Group Humanitarian Policy Group Mon, 21 Apr 2008 09:52:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23757 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23757 In January 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan ended Africa’s longest civil war. This is a tremendous achievement. But the peace is fragile and doesn’t encompass the entire country. Politically, the country remains divided and violence is still part of daily life in many areas, foremost in Darfur, but also in Kordofan. Deadly incidents continue to occur regularly in the South. Oil is a principal factor in Sudanese politics. It is the government’s main source of income and the oil sector is driving economic growth. Meanwhile, the oil industry is poorly managed and highly politicized. Rather than contributing to an environment of peace and equitable development, it remains a source of strife and division. SOURCE: Fatal Transaction // the European Coalition on Oil in Sudan Fatal Transaction // the European Coalition on Oil in Sudan Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:51:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23751 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23751 Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international Centre de recherches pour le développement international Fri, 18 Apr 2008 16:38:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23747 Récemment, le CRDI a examiné pourquoi et comment il avait travaillé, au cours des trois dernières décennies, dans des pays en transition — transition de la dictature à la démocratie, d'une économie planifiée à l’économie de marché, de la guerre à la paix. L’objectif du CRDI était de mieux comprendre comment il recueille et diffuse l’information destinée à éclairer l’élaboration de la programmation et les prises de décisions. Comment le Centre avait-il été informé de l’imminence d’une transition? Comment s’était-il renseigné sur la situation ? Comment était-il intervenu? Des études de cas ont été préparées sur l’Algérie, la Birmanie, le Cambodge, le Kenya, l’Afrique du Sud, les pays du cône Sud, le Vietnam et la Cisjordanie et Gaza. Ces huit études de cas et le texte d’introduction qui les accompagne montrent que le CRDI est depuis longtemps capable de travailler dans les situations à haut risque que l’on retrouve avant les transitions et dans la phase initiale de celles-ci. Il en ressort également qu’il a joué un rôle distinct dans l’aide à la recherche et à la conception de politiques axées sur le développement et qu’il a su habituellement adapter sa programmation à des contextes mouvants. SOURCE: Centre de recherches pour le développement international Centre de recherches pour le développement international Fri, 18 Apr 2008 14:57:13 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23737 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23737 Despite continuing reports of Sudanese involvement in the killing, rape, and displacement of many thousands in Darfur, the Khartoum regime was celebrated for its "cooperation" at the recently concluded session of the UN Human Rights Council. Sudan’s allies from the African, Islamic groups and Non-Aligned blocs lined up to praise Khartoum, a position that was formalized in a consensus resolution welcoming the “collaboration of the government of Sudan.” Gibreil Hamid, a survivor from Darfur, took the floor on behalf of UN Watch to confront the impunity granted to Sudan. SOURCE: United Nations Watch United Nations Watch Fri, 18 Apr 2008 14:17:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23723 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23723 The botched results from the December 27, 2007 presidential elections in Kenya sparked a wave of violence across the country that left more than 1,000 dead and 600,000 displaced. Incumbent president Mwai Kibaki, representing the ruling Party of National Unity (PNU), was declared the winner of the presidential polls over Raila Odinga, of the opposition Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). Supporters of the ODM, which had won 99 parliamentary seats against PNU’s 43 (out of 210 elected seats), charged that the election had been rigged. The chairman of the Electoral Commission of Kenya has since stated that the PNU and the ODM-K (an allied party) forced him to call the election, even with irregularities in the tallying. The African Union’s Panel of Eminent Africans, which Kofi Annan led, mediated for nearly forty days. After these efforts, Kibaki and Odinga agreed to: end the violence, address the humanitarian situation, and resolve the political crisis through a National Accord and Reconciliation Act (hereafter the National Accord). Complementing the National Accord, the parties agreed to examine long-standing sources of grievances and establish an Independent Review Commission to examine the electoral process; a Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission; a Commission on Inquiry on Post-Election Violence; and the Constitutional Review Commission. SOURCE: United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace Thu, 17 Apr 2008 11:30:23 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23706 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23706 In the 10 weeks since ENOUGH issued its report “Abyei: Sudan’s “Kashmir” the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, or CPA, Sudan’s unique, ground-breaking political deal that formally ended 21 years of war between the Khartoum government and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement, or SPLM, has lurched toward breakdown. There are many reasons for this, despite the fact that both sides show clear signs of wishing to avoid outright military confrontation. The principal reason, however, remains Khartoum’s failure to implement the CPA’s Abyei Protocol. SOURCE: ENOUGH Project ENOUGH Project Thu, 17 Apr 2008 10:46:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23697 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23697 The Protection of Civilians (PoC) concept is a prevalent buzzword in the contemporary security-development nexus and comes as a response to new modes of warfare that have made civilians the main causality of war. Just about all actors from the military, development and humanitarian segments relate to the PoC concept in conflict-situations. Although there is a presumably mainstreaming and general infusion of the concept within the international community, there exists no coherent and comprehensive understanding of what the concept really means and what kind of practices it comprises and entails. The concept’s seminal thinkers and proponents fail to provide a clear and unambiguous definition of the concept. Rather it seeks to infuse a culture of protection among international actors operating in contexts which see grave human right violations and direct and indirect targeting of civilians. This report addresses the protection discourse as perceived by various actors in the field, and approaches the discourse in the nexus of PoC and culture of protection. The present paper demonstrates that whereas a narrow definition of PoC runs the risk of repelling actors from the protection-agenda, mainstreaming a culture of protection drawing on wider principles seems worthwhile in order to be comprehensive in terms of including as many actors as possible. A negative facet of such an approach, however, is that PoC becomes open to various actors’ interpretation. Although in line with the implementation of PoC on case-by-case basis, this might not be sufficient to engender an inclusive culture of protection as PoC always will be interpreted at the backdrop of organisations’ embedded mandate and institutional culture, leading to a general conceptual dilution. This paper explores the PoC concept and the culture of protection in the context of Sudan. SOURCE: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Thu, 17 Apr 2008 09:23:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23678 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23678 The contention that the Darfurian conflict is being 'exported' to eastern Chad via janjawid militia has received widespread coverage. However, this is a dangerous oversimplification of the ethnic and political dynamics of the region, and most especially neglects the importance of the political crisis in Chad. Khartoum and N'Djamena have been engaged in an on-again, off-again proxy conflict using one another's rebel movements since the Darfur conflict began in 2003, most intensively since 2005. Khartoum has attempted on multiple occasions to unify the Chadian rebel groups to destabilize or even overthrow the Déby regime. While Déby has survived two attacks on the capital, he has managed to hold on to power through repression and incentives to those who rally to him. This Working Paper provides the contextual and historical background for understanding the current Chad–Sudan conflict, its complex ethnic components, and the history of the Chadian rebel factions. The paper explains why the current international peacekeeping effort is unlikely to be successful without an accompanying diplomatic push to bring the Chadian opposition— both legal and armed—and the Déby regime to the negotiating table. SOURCE: Small Arms Survey Small Arms Survey Wed, 16 Apr 2008 16:06:43 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23659 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23659 À sa dixième réunion, le 18 septembre 2007, le Groupe de travail a examiné le rapport du Secrétaire général sur les enfants et le conflit armé au Soudan (S/2007/520), présenté par la Représentante spéciale du Secrétaire général. Un représentant du Soudan a participé au débat qui a suivi. On retiendra de l’échange de vues entre les membres du Groupe de travail les points exposés ci-après. Les membres du Groupe de travail se sont félicités du rapport du Secrétaire général, présenté en application de la résolution 1612 (2005) du Conseil de sécurité. Certains ont pleinement appuyé l’analyse et les recommandations du Secrétaire général, tandis que d’autres ont marqué leur désaccord avec certaines des recommandations. Certains membres auraient souhaité que des informations plus précises soient fournies sur les circonstances entourant les crimes dont il est fait état dans le rapport et sur leurs auteurs. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité Nations Unies // Conseil de sécurité