Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Canada". Fri, 04 Jul 2008 0:30:21 +0000 Fri, 04 Jul 2008 0:30:21 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 03 Jul 2008 15:58:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25254 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25254 In the aftermath of al-Qaeda’s 9/11 raids on New York City and Washington D.C., the Western media thundered damnation at the governments of the United States and its allies for having failed to take seriously the growth in post-Cold War national security threats from transnational Islamist groups. The media mercilessly attacked the “group-think” of Western governments for their continued focus on threats from nation-states—Russia, China, Iraq, Iran, etc.—and their on-again, off-again concern with the threat from al-Qaeda and its Islamist allies. The media’s bottom-line was accurate: The fall of the Berlin Wall had not been recognized by Western governments as the end of reliable peace under the umbrella of Mutually Assured Destruction and that the 9/11 attacks made it plain that the relatively peaceful, largely predictable Cold War-era was over for good. The media’s post-9/11 argument was an essential wake-up call to those wielding power in the West, but it appears, in retrospect, to have been ineffective. Washington and many of its allies continue to focus on nation-state threats—witness the war in Iraq and the apparently nearing war with Iran—while addressing the transnational Islamist threat symbolized by al-Qaeda half-heartedly as if they had time to end the threat at their leisure. SOURCE: Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Wed, 25 Jun 2008 14:45:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25127 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25127 Bien que le Canada n’ait pas été physiquement touché par les attaques du 11 septembre 2001, sa proximité géographique, stratégique et économique avec les États-Unis lui a conféré de nouvelles insécurités et de nouvelles responsabilités. Alors que la sécurité est devenue un enjeu prioritaire pour le Canada, l’attention du milieu académique a beaucoup porté sur les Forces canadiennes (FC), sur la mission en Afghanistan et sur la transformation du rôle du Canada à l’international. Quelque peu délaissée, la marine canadienne doit pourtant occuper un rôle central dans la défense du territoire canadien qui, de par son emplacement géographique, a des frontières maritimes beaucoup plus étendues que ses frontières terrestres. Dans cette brève recherche, nous nous sommes demandé si la marine canadienne, au premier plan de la sécurité maritime, a su s’adapter aux nouvelles menaces et, si tel est le cas, de quelles façons. Par conséquent, notre recherche porte principalement sur les outils dont dispose la marine canadienne telles que les nouvelles initiatives prises par le Canada en matière de sécurité maritime dont les Centres d’opérations de la sécurité maritime (COSM) et l’Initiative relative à la sécurité des conteneurs (IRSC). En conclusion, il nous a été permis de constater que ces initiatives n’ont pas entraîné de véritables et profonds changements. Si le Canada veut être capable de faire face à d’éventuelles menaces maritimes, il devra se doter d’une meilleure vision à long terme et devra clarifier le rôle et les responsabilités des nombreux intervenants impliqués dans la sécurité maritime canadienne. SOURCE: Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Tue, 24 Jun 2008 13:54:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25094 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25094 This paper investigates how environmental change and Canadian security are interlinked. First, it attempts to chart the ways in which global environmental change (such as climate change and environmental mismanagement) affect Canada's domestic security and the welfare of Canadian interests overseas. Three particular challenges stand out: the first is the struggle for control of shipping routes across a warming Arctic; the second is the hunt for new sources of energy; and the third is environmental security in regions of diplomatic, economic and military importance to Canada. Second, the paper analyzes the links between environment and security from the opposite direction. We assess the environmental implications of Canada's current national security focus on the prevention of terrorism. This approach to Canadian security, which we call "the new security agenda," has been evolving since the early 1990s in response to the growing threat of international terrorism. In a world of competing priorities and limited budgets, this has inevitably brought the new security agenda into direct competition with other areas of federal policy—including environmental management. The way Canada and its allies pursue their security can have both positive and negative consequences for the environment that must be incorporated into any cost-benefit analysis of Canadian policy; in terms of governance and regulatory impacts, the scope for effective environmental management and the direct environmental impacts of new security measures. Two aspects of the new security agenda have particular relevance for the Canadian environment: the North American quest for energy independence and increased border security. In essence, this paper argues the environment and its management is not just a "soft policy area"—it can have real security implications. Nevertheless, the environment is still typically seen as an optional "add-on" in times of peace and prosperity, to be ignored in times of stress and conflict. In a globalized world shaped by global environmental problems, this might be a dangerously short-sighted approach. SOURCE: International Institute for Sustainable Development International Institute for Sustainable Development Thu, 19 Jun 2008 11:47:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25004 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25004 The proposed Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline will transport approximately 33 billion cubic metres per year of natural gas 1,680 kilometres from the Dauletabad gas field in southeast Turkmenistan through southern Afghanistan, to Pakistan, terminating in Fazilka, India. India and Pakistan will share the output equally, and a small percentage will be used by Afghanistan. The impact of the TAPI pipeline on Canadian Forces must be assessed, given that the proposed pipeline route traverses the most conflict-ridden areas of Afghanistan, crossing through Kandahar province where Canadian Forces are attempting to provide security and defeat insurgents. SOURCE: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Wed, 18 Jun 2008 16:59:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25001 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25001 La sécurité humaine tient un rôle de premier plan dans le rapport récemment publié par le Groupe d’experts indépendant sur le rôle futur du Canada en Afghanistan. D’une part, le rapport définit les opérations de contre-terrorisme et anti-insurrectionnelles contre Al Qaïda et les taliban comme étant axées de façon inhérente sur la sécurité humaine en raison du modus operandi et des pratiques auxquelles nous ont habitués ces organisations. De même, ces organisations s’attaquent directement au gouvernement afghan, récemment formé, et dont l’un des objectifs est de mieux assurer la sécurité humaine et la prospérité du peuple afghan. D’une autre part, le rapport indique que le gouvernement de l’Afghanistan fait la promotion de la sécurité humaine pour accroître sa légitimité et sa crédibilité auprès de la population et que celle-ci le considère comme compétent et incorruptible. En regard de ces deux éléments, le rapport est très clair : l’avenir de l’Afghanistan et la réduction de la présence militaire canadienne dépendent tous deux des améliorations, tant qualitatives que quantitatives, qui seront apportées au sein de l’Armée nationale afghane (ANA) et de la Police nationale afghane (PNA). Ce que le rapport ne mentionne pas, cependant, c’est la présence importante des entreprises de sécurité privées (ESP). En raison d’un effectif de 28 000 personnes, les ESP constituent le deuxième plus important effectif, derrière les États-Unis. De plus, la façon dont ces entreprises sélectionnent leurs employés, sont gérées et recoivent des contrats constitue d’importants défis pour la promotion de la sécurité humaine, la réforme du secteur de la sécurité et l’affirmation du contrôle du gouvernement central. L’objectif de cet article est donc de présenter clairement l’effet des ESP en Afghanistan et de réitérer le rapport du ministre Manley en offrant des recommandations axées sur la sécurité humaine. SOURCE: Consortium canadien sur la sécurité humaine Consortium canadien sur la sécurité humaine Wed, 18 Jun 2008 16:54:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25000 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=25000 Le Canada embauche des compagnies privées pour faire le travail que nos militaires devraient traditionnellement faire - incluant la protection de notre premier ministre lorsqu'il visite des points chauds comme l'Afghanistan. Devrions-nous nous inquiéter de cette pratique? SOURCE: Consortium canadien sur la sécurité humaine Consortium canadien sur la sécurité humaine Wed, 11 Jun 2008 15:21:08 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24897 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24897 « La sécurité ne s’obtient pas en construisant des barrières, elle s’obtient en ouvrant les portes ». Cette phrase utilisée par le Président finlandais dans son discours d’ouverture1 de la première séance publique de la future Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe, tenue à Helsinki, le 3 juillet 1973, résume tout le sens et le caractère unique de la CSCE/OSCE. Le « processus de Helsinki » a ainsi permis la mise en place progressive d’un forum multilatéral où tous les États du continent européen, URSS comprise plus les États-Unis et le Canada, pourraient mener une négociation permanente sur les questions relatives à la sécurité et à la coopération en Europe. La CSCE, devenue OSCE (Organisation pour la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe) en 1994, a rempli cette fonction en ouvrant la voie des négociations et de la détente non seulement aux deux superpuissances de l’époque mais également aux autres États qui avaient la possibilité de participer, en principe sur un pied d’égalité, aux négociations multilatérales. SOURCE: Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Wed, 11 Jun 2008 15:12:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24896 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24896 La contribution du Canada à la Force internationale d’assistance à la sécurité de l’OTAN (FIAS) s’élève aujourd’hui à environ 2 500 membres des Forces canadiennes. Après avoir participé auprès des forces américaines à l’opération Enduring Freedom (OEF) en 2001-2002 qui visait essentiellement à renverser le régime taliban et à chasser des éléments liés au groupe terroriste Al-Qaïda au lendemain des attaques du 11 septembre, le Canada s’est engagé en 2003 dans l’opération de stabilisation de la région de Kaboul par la FIAS.1 Redéployé au début 2006 dans la province de Kandahar au sud du pays pour assister à la continuation de l’OEF sous l’égide des États-Unis, le contingent canadien présent à Kandahar a été finalement réaffecté à la FIAS en juillet 2006 dans le cadre de l’élargissement successif du théâtre opérationnel de la mission sur le nord, l’ouest, le sud et l’est du territoire afghan. SOURCE: Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Wed, 11 Jun 2008 14:09:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24875 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24875 Si nous voulons aider les Canadiens à décider, chacun pour soi, si la mission canadienne en Afghanistan se justifie, il faut mettre à la leur disposition toute l’information dont dispose le gouvernement de manière qu’ils puissent trouver réponse aux questions fondamentales qu’ils se posent. Comme l’intervention du Canada en Afghanistan coûte très cher – en vies humaines et en milliards de dollars – les Canadiens ont besoin des réponses aux cinq questions suivantes : 􀂃 Quel est au juste le rôle du Canada en Afghanistan? 􀂃 Qu’est-ce qui marquera la réussite de la mission du Canada en Afghanistan? 􀂃 Quelles sont les chances réelles de succès de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan? 􀂃 Quel est le prix que les Canadiens sont prêts à payer pour assurer la réussite de la mission? 􀂃 La mission du Canada en Afghanistan est-elle organisée d’une manière qui présente les meilleures chances de succès? SOURCE: Sénat du Canada // Comité sénatorial permanent de la sécurité nationale et de la défense Sénat du Canada // Comité sénatorial permanent de la sécurité nationale et de la défense Wed, 11 Jun 2008 13:52:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24873 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24873 Les membres du Comité n’ont pas la prétention d’avoir tiré de leur voyage et de leurs audiences des conclusions définitives quant aux perspectives d’avenir de l’Afghanistan, ni de savoir exactement ce qu’il faut faire pour améliorer les chances de succès de la mission du Canada dans ce pays. La situation en Afghanistan est extrêmement complexe. Le pays est aux prises avec une myriade de difficultés aux multiples facettes. Faute de temps, par exemple, le Comité n’a pas pu consacrer beaucoup de temps à la corruption et à la culture du pavot. Le fait que plusieurs problèmes échappent complètement au contrôle du Canada vient compliquer les choses. Notre présence à Kandahar est une toute petite pièce seulement du casse-tête. De nombreuses forces externes pourraient en dernière analyse être déterminantes et contribuer à faire de la mission du Canada en Afghanistan un succès ou un gaspillage. Elles concernent deux questions très importantes : a) les Nations Unies joueront-elles un rôle utile? b) le Pakistan voisin, dont le gouvernement vient de changer, continuera-t-il de compliquer la vie du gouvernement novice de l’Afghanistan? SOURCE: Sénat du Canada // Comité sénatorial permanent de la sécurité nationale et de la défense Sénat du Canada // Comité sénatorial permanent de la sécurité nationale et de la défense Wed, 11 Jun 2008 09:29:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24839 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24839 While challenges to success in Afghanistan remain formidable, we found considerable progress in the way the mission is being run. We did not, however, find improvements in the way progress is being measured or communicated to Canadians. One of the Committee’s primary conclusions is that the Government of Canada must find better ways of communicating progress (or lack of progress) to Canadians, so the Canadian public can make informed decisions as to whether the mission is worth its heavy cost, both in terms of lives lost and taxpayers’ dollars spent. The Committee continues to believe that the Canadian mission to Afghanistan is worthwhile. Whether it will continue to be worthwhile will depend on how much we continue to improve the security and the general well-being of Afghans. SOURCE: Senate of Canada // Standing Committee on National Security and Defence Senate of Canada // Standing Committee on National Security and Defence Fri, 06 Jun 2008 11:34:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24764 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24764 In many areas of government, parliamentary committees play a key role in holding ministers (and, de facto, their officials) to account. The Canadian Parliament has powers to summon and even compel the appearance of officials, including ministers. Likewise, committees may “send for persons, papers and records” and Parliament and its committees may administer oaths requiring truthful responses. Parliament (and by extension its committees) also possesses contempt powers. All this suggests that parliamentary committees can be potent review bodies in the area of national security. To date, however, parliamentary review of national security matters has been largely perfunctory. Both the Senate and the House of Commons have national security and defence committees. The Senate committees in particular have been active in holding hearings and producing reports on various aspects of Canada’s national security and defence policy. Most recently, the Commons national security committee held hearings examining the role of the commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in the Maher Arar matter, a focus precipitated by the findings of the Arar inquiry and fuelled by apparent contradictions in the commissioner’s testimony. Controversy sparked by these hearings culminated in the commissioner’s resignation in late 2006. SOURCE: Institute for Research on Public Policy Institute for Research on Public Policy Thu, 05 Jun 2008 11:06:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24736 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24736 The Need for Transparent Reporting on Progress in Afghanistan SOURCE: CBC News CBC News Thu, 05 Jun 2008 10:09:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24726 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24726 The Atlantic alliance is in limbo: There is no consensus among its members on a range of key issues. No one wants to pay the bills or contribute more troops. Is NATO a Cold War relic that has lost its relevance? Or does today’s array of security challenges make it more important than ever? SOURCE: Der Spiegel Der Spiegel Wed, 04 Jun 2008 16:11:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24724 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24724 Edition 2008. Réunis le temps d’un week-end (30 mai– 1er juin) dans le confort du Shangri-La Hotel de Singapour — un cadre propice à l’étude des grands enjeux contemporains de sécurité en Asie…—, les représentants des 27 délégations officielles ont honoré de leur présence et enrichi de leurs réflexions ce 7eme rendez-vous annuel, plus connu sous le vocable informel de Shangri-La Dialogue. Un forum annuel unique en son genre en Asie, organisé par le prestigieux International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) londonien, lequel célébrait au passage son demi-siècle d’existence de fort belle manière. Evénement sur lequel les médias occidentaux s’arrêtent de coutume fort peu, ce « sommet » aux atours moins protocolaires concentre deux jours durant une somme inédite de décideurs politiques (ministres ; parlementaires) et militaires (officiers d’état-major), d’experts (institutions internationales ; fonctionnaires ; chercheurs), d’hommes d’affaires et de journalistes autour d’une pléiade de séances plénières, de tables rondes et de débats publics (et de réunions plus restreintes...). La diversité et le sérieux des thèmes abordés (voir p.2), la qualité des intervenants et des échanges, les inévitables « déclarations » collatérales et autres réactions « à chaud », justifient qu’on lui consacre ci-après quelque attention. SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 28 May 2008 12:20:09 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24564 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24564 À partir de mars 2007, le Canada sera officiellement l’un des pays hôtes de la quatrième Année polaire internationale depuis 1882. Dans ce cadre, des chercheurs provenant de plus de 63 pays participeront à des études sur le réchauffement climatique dans cette région. Il y a fort à parier que le litige territorial concernant le passage du Nord-Ouest ne manquera pas à cette occasion de refaire surface et de cristalliser une partie de l’attention internationale et nationale. Si la fonte des glaces et l’ouverture du Nord soulèvent des enjeux sociopolitiques et économiques de première importance pour les États circumpolaires, la question de la souveraineté canadienne en Arctique monopolise largement les débats au pays. Les polémiques sur la réponse que devrait adopter le Canada à ce sujet ne sont pourtant pas récentes. Les traversées de navires américains, le pétrolier U.S.S. Manhattan en 1969 et 1970, puis le brise-glace U.S.C.G. Polar Sea en 1985 et enfin l’éventuel passage d’un sous-marin nucléaire américain en 2005 ont été à l’origine de débats publics animés. Une situation d’autant plus d’actualité que des recherches du Canadian Arctic Shelf Exchange Study (CASES) et du Conseil de l’Arctique indiquent que le passage du Nord-Ouest, reliant l’Atlantique au Pacifique par les eaux de l’archipel nordique canadien, pourrait devenir une voie de navigation commerciale à moyen terme bien qu’il demeure pour le moment fermé durant la presque totalité de l’année. SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Mon, 26 May 2008 09:27:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24518 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24518 The Centre for Security Science (the Centre) is a joint endeavour between Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC) and Public Safety Canada. It provides science and technology (S&T) services and support to address national public safety and security objectives. It is part of the Government of Canada’s approach to public security science and technology (PSST) and is one of seven research centres within DRDC, an agency of the Department of National Defence (DND). The Centre’s mission is: Through science and technology, to strengthen Canada’s ability to prepare for, prevent, respond to, and recover from high-consequence public safety and security events. SOURCE: Wed, 14 May 2008 16:10:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 Cette étude porte sur les termes et les circonstances dans lesquels le gouvernement canadien a construit et légitimé la politique de sécurité du Canada en Afghanistan de 2001 à 2007. Par la mobilisation des grilles analytiques des approches théoriques postmoderne et constructiviste critique aux Relations internationales, l’auteur identifie et décrit un processus de renouvellement de l’internationalisme canadien dans le sens d’une politique étrangère davantage interventionniste, fondée sur une redéfinition des notions de souveraineté et de territorialité, ainsi que sur un rapport problématique entre militarisme et développementalisme. (date de publication = septembre 2008) SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Wed, 14 May 2008 13:30:27 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24359 Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Etats-Unis d’Amérique et Canada, et Europe occidentale et centrale. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Nations Unies // Programme Commun Des Nations Unies Sur le VIH/SIDA Wed, 14 May 2008 12:05:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24346 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24346 Cette année marque un tournant pour le programme d’aide du Canada et l’agence canadienne chargée du développement international. Il y aura une réorientation majeure pour donner suite aux attentes des Canadiens et des Canadiennes, qui réclament un programme d’aide efficace qui donne des résultats concrets. J’ai moi-même été témoin des résultats que nos ressources ont permis d’accomplir, résultats qui ont eu pour effet de soulager les moins fortunés par la promotion des droits de la personne, de la liberté, de la démocratie et de la primauté du droit – en appui aux politiques du gouvernement du Canada. Néanmoins, je crois que nous pouvons accomplir davantage en ciblant davantage nos efforts et en renforçant l’efficacité, l’innovation et la reddition de comptes. Le présent rapport met en lumière l’engagement que nous avons pris à l’égard des Canadiens et des Canadiennes, soit accroître l’efficacité de notre action, et les principales mesures que nous prendrons en 2008-2009. La tâche ne sera pas simple et exigera des décisions difficiles et une bonne capacité d’adaptation. L’amélioration de l’efficacité de notre aide internationale est tributaire du soutien de tous. Les réformes envisagées appuient notre objectif central, soit réduire la pauvreté, encourager le respect des droits de la personne et intensifier le développement durable dans les pays et les régions prioritaires. Nous sommes toujours déterminés à étayer la reconstruction et le développement de l’Afghanistan, pays bénéficiaire de notre plus important programme d’aide, d’une valeur de 1,2 milliard de dollars sur dix ans. Nous allons aussi redynamiser notre relation avec les Amériques en visant des objectifs clés, soit promouvoir les valeurs démocratiques fondamentales, bâtir la prospérité et relever de nouveaux défis en matière de sécurité. Enfin, le Canada respectera l’engagement qu’il a pris au Sommet du G8, c’est-à-dire doubler l’aide à l’Afrique grâce à un investissement qui totalisera 2,1 milliards de dollars au cours du présent exercice financier. Nous continuerons de mettre à profit l’expertise reconnue du Canada dans les domaines suivants : la réforme du secteur public, la formation technique et professionnelle, l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes, le développement du secteur privé, l’environnement, la santé et l’éducation de base. Nous allons également jouer un rôle de chef de file en matière de programmes novateurs. Ces interventions et les nombreuses autres initiatives de l’Agence canadienne de développement international (ACDI) en matière de réduction de la pauvreté et de développement durable sont décrites dans le Rapport sur les plans et les priorités de 2008-2009, que je dépose à l’attention du Parlement du Canada. -- L’honorable Beverley J. Oda, C.P., députée Ministre de la Coopération international SOURCE: Agence canadienne de développement international Agence canadienne de développement international Tue, 13 May 2008 10:52:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24319 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24319 By deploying tanks and armoured engineers to Afghanistan in October 2006 and supporting the acquisition of the Leopard 2, the leadership of the Canadian Forces (CF) has acknowledged the importance of maintaining heavy armour in a balanced force. While the continued development of sensors and technology will be extremely important to achieving improved situational awareness (SA) on the battlefield, the hard-earned experiences of the Canadian Army and our allies in sustained combat in Afghanistan and Iraq have proven we must be prepared to get our hands dirty and come into physical contact with the enemy if we wish to define their strength, composition and intentions, and subsequently kill them. Canadian tanks and armoured engineers have better protected our dismounted infantry soldiers in Southern Afghanistan, allowing them to close with and destroy a fanatical and determined enemy in extremely complex terrain. SOURCE: The Canadian Army Journal The Canadian Army Journal Tue, 13 May 2008 10:43:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24318 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24318 In the final days of 1979, the Soviet Union, under the direction of the Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, invaded Afghanistan. Soviet Special Forces and KGB agents assaulted Tajbeg Palace and executed President Hafizullah Amin the evening of December 27th as Soviet ground forces started their entry across the northern border. Brezhnev had decided to intervene when it became clear that Soviet advisory and aviation support to the threatened Afghan government was insufficient. Recent governments had attempted to reform the country too rapidly, making Afghanistan vulnerable to an Islamic overthrow similar to that of Iran. This, combined with numerous other reasons, led Moscow to its decision. Soviet forces faced an immense challenge. It was presented with not only the vast and rough terrain of Afghanistan, but also by its xenophobic Islamic population, which at the time was in a state of civil war. Fighting from ambush sites inherited from their ancestors and aided by men and material from around the world, the Afghan mujahideen fought a protracted insurgency against the Soviets. Although Soviet military forces completed every military task they were assigned, the tactical victories combined to result in strategic failure. Analysis through the lens of an appropriate model clearly demonstrates why. SOURCE: The Canadian Army Journal The Canadian Army Journal Tue, 13 May 2008 10:25:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24317 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24317 As John F. Kennedy observed of the Vietnam War in 1962, this type of warfare is again at the centre of the present and future operating environment. The Canadian Forces (CF) in Afghanistan are attempting to bring stability to the country as it suffers such an insurgency, and this environment demands new approaches and new capabilities inspired by old lessons. With respect to ‘how’ Canada would engage such environments, its policy was made clear in April 2005. The government of the day stated that our approach to intervention on the international stage, and in Afghanistan in particular, would be based on a 3D + C (diplomacy + development + defence and commerce) model. This approach is one in which diplomacy, defence, and development work together to synchronize efforts, improve effectiveness, and maximize the impact of Canada’s contribution. It is an approach that demands a coherent policy and integrated activities by all elements of power within the government. SOURCE: The Canadian Army Journal The Canadian Army Journal Thu, 08 May 2008 15:12:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24251 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24251 Recommandations d'aupres une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 15:08:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24250 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24250 Premiere partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 15:00:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24248 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24248 Troisième partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 14:58:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24247 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24247 Deuxième partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 14:52:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24245 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24245 L'introduction d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Wed, 07 May 2008 10:11:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24183 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24183 Le 16 février 2003, au lendemain de la plus grande mobilisation pacifiste connue à ce jour, le New York Times titrait en première qu’il existait maintenant un véritable contrepouvoir à l’hégémonie américaine, celui de la société civile mondiale. Bien qu’il soit difficile de soutenir une telle thèse ce contrepouvoir reste immensément diffus et hétérogène il n’en reste pas moins qu’il existe aujourd’hui une variété d’acteurs nonétatiques qui prennent position souvent quotidiennement sur une vaste série d’enjeux qui affectent autant les pays du Nord que ceux du Sud. Parmi ces acteurs, trois grands ensembles, les organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONG), les réseaux de militants et les mouvements sociaux transnationaux sont particulièrement importants autant par leur capacité de mobilisation que par les liens qu’ils créent à travers les frontières et la compréhension commune qu’ils apportent des grandes problématiques de l’heure, l’environnement, la pauvreté, la souveraineté alimentaire, la condition féminine, les droits de la personne et évidemment, la paix (Caouette 2007). SOURCE: Groupe d'Étude et de Recherches sur la Sécurité Internationale Groupe d'Étude et de Recherches sur la Sécurité Internationale Fri, 02 May 2008 12:56:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24101 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24101 Today’s hearing comes on the heels of NATO’s Bucharest Summit where the alliance addressed some of the most pressing security challenges facing the United States, Canada and our European allies. As a strong supporter of NATO, I was heartened to see that our allies joined together in the Summit Declaration reaffirming their support for enlargement and agreeing to further strengthen the collective capability of the alliance to meet the “existing and emerging 21st century threats.” Despite the language contained in the declaration, I remain concerned that differences still exist between the US and some of our NATO allies – particularly on Ukraine and Georgia’s relationship with NATO, the Bush Administration’s Missile Defense plan, Energy Security and NATO’s relations with Russia as well as the alliance’s mission in Afghanistan. From my perspective, one of the highlights of the Summit was NATO’s invitation to Croatia and Albania to begin accession talks. To that end, I want to congratulate the Albanian and Croatian governments who have demonstrated their strong commitment to transatlantic security. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Fri, 02 May 2008 12:53:37 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24100 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24100 As we all are aware, there are several important issues facing the Alliance, including the continued enlargement of NATO, its operations in Kosovo, and the deployment of a missile defense system in Eastern Europe. However, I believe that by far the most critical test for NATO is how it responds to the ongoing war in Afghanistan. Therefore, I look forward to listening to both Assistant Secretary Fried and Deputy Assistant Secretary Fata for their perspective regarding the commitment of our NATO allies to the battle against the Taliban in that country. There is no doubt the NATO members have publicly and I am sure privately expressed solidarity and strong support for the NATO mission in Afghanistan. I believe they recognize that this is crucial test for the Alliance – a test that is being closely watched not only in the Middle East but by countries throughout the world who are taking measure of NATO and whether it is willing to follow through on its security commitments. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Fri, 02 May 2008 12:52:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24099 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24099 NATO is not just a military alliance; it is an alliance of values that provided the foundation for freedom’s victory in the Cold War. While its core mission remains the same – the defense of its members – NATO is achieving this in new ways. It is evolving into a 21st century role, enlarging the area in Europe where freedom is secure, defending this transatlantic community against new threats and challenges that are often global in scope, and building partnerships around the globe with like-minded countries who want to work together with NATO to face these challenges. The Bucharest Summit further advanced NATO’s transformation in each of these areas. I will speak today about the Summit outcomes and what these mean for the development of NATO’s operations in Afghanistan and Kosovo, its transformation to address global security challenges, and its membership and relationships with countries and organizations. The Bucharest Summit was one of the most productive and certainly the most open summit that I can remember. It was certainly the least scripted. Indeed, the Summit Declaration decisions concerning Georgia and Ukraine were only reached by leaders in informal sessions at the Summit itself. SOURCE: United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe United States House of Representatives // Committee on Foreign Affairs // Subcommittee on Europe Thu, 01 May 2008 10:33:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24037 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24037 There is a feeling on both sides of the Atlantic that this is the right moment for rapprochement. But times have changed. Both France and the United States have good reasons to reassess the utility of NATO to their foreign-policy objectives. Through their experiences of relative powerlessness—France during the Balkan wars and the United States in attempting to cope with Iraq and Afghanistan—both countries have rediscovered NATO as an important and useful instrument of their security policies. The United States is moving away from the haughty “toolbox” approach it developed after Kosovo. The French are giving up their self-imposed isolationism, which caused their army to lag behind the United States and the U SOURCE: The National Interest The National Interest Mon, 28 Apr 2008 11:29:21 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23929 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23929 As Canada watches its government's once-alarming terrorism case against the "Toronto 18" gradually shrink, it may be time to assess the threat Islamic terrorists present more generally. In a recent interview, America's Homeland Security czar, Michael Chertoff, thundered that terrorism presents "a significant existential" threat -- carefully differentiating it, apparently, from all those insignificant existential challenges the continent has so heroically faced in the past. And the New York Times assured us a few days ago that "the fight against al-Qaeda is the central battle for this generation. As an earlier "greatest generation" once confronted Adolf Hitler and allies in a tumultuous multi-front war in which tens of millions of people perished, ours gets to earn its stripes in what Mr. Chertoff labels the "struggle" against Osama bin Laden and his allies and minions. SOURCE: Ottawa Citizen Ottawa Citizen Fri, 18 Apr 2008 14:36:47 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23726 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23726 Since 9/11 terrorism has increased and become a prominent feature of ongoing insurgencies. NATO has become increasingly involved in one such insurgency in Afghanistan. However, perceptions of failure in Afghanistan have decreased public support for the mission and undermined support for NATO itself. Although Western public perception is one of overall failure, the situation in Afghanistan itself is quite varied. In the non-Pashtun areas of the country, the situation is improving and reconstruction is perceived by many Afghans as being effective. In Pashtun areas the opposite is true. NATO has not yet developed an effective strategy for dealing with the Pashtun insurgency in part because the Pashtun area straddles the border with Pakistan. Recent elections in Pakistan are likely to decrease cooperation. Attempts to turn the fight over to the Afghanis have had mixed success with some progress on the Afghan National Army but very little with the police. SOURCE: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Thu, 17 Apr 2008 11:00:33 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23703 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23703 In May of 2007 the Centre for Military and Strategic Studies at the University of Calgary (CMSS) and the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute (CDFAI), a Canadian international policy “think tank” based in Calgary, invited the Hon. David Pratt to deliver The Ross Ellis Memorial Lecture. He was asked to give his view of whether or not Canada can be said to have a “grand strategy.” The Ross Ellis Memorial Lecture in Military and Strategic Studies is an annual lecture series launched in 1999 by CMSS to honour Colonel Ross Laird Ellis who was the Commanding Officer (CO) of the Calgary Highlanders for some six months in the all of 1944 and into the winter months of 1945. As acting CO, he led the Highlanders in the last stages of the Battle of the Scheldt Estuary; as CO he commanded throughout the Battle of the Rhineland. Dedicated to his leadership abilities and military spirit, the series brings a renowned speaker in military and strategic studies to Calgary every year for lectures and seminars open to the university population and the general public. SOURCE: Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute Thu, 17 Apr 2008 10:58:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23702 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23702 What is the meaning of military transformation? How is Canada responding? This paper provides a brief historical view of military transformation, identifies a framework for understanding transformation, and examines Canada’s approach in each area. It argues that Canada has taken steps with regard to a number of discrete areas associated with military transformation. But in Canada, military transformation has come to be associated with initiatives that were launched in the 2005 Defence Policy Statement. They include the creation of a Standing Contingency Task Force for the rapid deployment of military force abroad, a changed command structure to reflect an increased focus on defending the homeland, and greater strength in the area of special operations forces. Progress in these specific areas has been challenged by ongoing operational commitments. From this perspective the overall picture is one of “transformation on hold,” as Canada continues to determine its future course in Afghanistan. SOURCE: Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute Mon, 14 Apr 2008 13:06:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23594 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23594 When NATO leaders met last week in Bucharest, they disagreed profoundly on whether Ukraine and Georgia should be offered an opportunity to join the alliance. In the process, they did tremendous damage to enlargement policy as a whole. Enlargement has been at the core of the NATO alliance for well over two decades. Its founding treaty, signed nearly 60 years ago, made clear that the door to membership was open to any European state that could further the principles of the alliance and contribute to collective defense. NATO has used that open door effectively over the decades, taking in Greece, Turkey, West Germany and Spain during the Cold War, and then reaching out to Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1999, in order to make the process of admission more formal (as well as provide a way to cushion the disappointment of countries not being allowed in immediately), the allies created the Membership Action Plan. The MAP detailed what countries wishing to join NATO had to do. Once they fulfilled these criteria, NATO would invite them to become members. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Mon, 07 Apr 2008 15:32:39 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23466 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23466 At the beginning of April 2008, the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization will be meeting in Bucharest, Romania to decide which countries they want to welcome into the fold. There's a long list that would like to join NATO, but the voting on two of them -- former Soviet republics Georgia and Ukraine -- is expected to go down to the wire. Both of them see NATO membership as the next step in their pro-Western revolutions. Georgia's Ambassador to Canada, Vasil Sikharulidze, explained the importance of NATO membership for Georgia. But it's not clear that Georgia and Ukraine will get their wish. NATO wants new members as a way of guaranteeing its survival. But it also doesn't want to over-aggravate an old nemesis -- Russia. It's just one of the dilemmas facing NATO. And it's adding to the sense among many observers that the alliance -- which turns 60 in 2009 -- is in the throes of a mid-life crisis, unsure of its identity or purpose in a post-Cold War world. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Fri, 04 Apr 2008 13:00:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23417 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23417 Since the fall of the Soviet Empire, the rationale behind NATO's existence has been questioned. How­ever, not only is NATO necessary for the West's pro­tection, but its broader raison d'être has never been more meaningful. The common values that unite NATO members—freedom, liberty, human rights, and the rule of law—remain under threat from both state and non-state actors that are using asymmetric and symmetrical tactics. It remains in America's vital interest to maintain and revitalize the NATO Alliance to address the global challenges of today and the future. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghani­stan has exposed strategic and political shortcomings, and the alliance must use the Bucharest Summit on April 2–4 to initiate reforms designed to cope with the demands of this rapidly changing security environ­ment. NATO now needs a new post–Cold War role. SOURCE: The Heritage Foundation The Heritage Foundation Thu, 03 Apr 2008 15:33:50 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23405 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23405 We gather in Bucharest to reaffirm our determination to help the people and the elected Government of Afghanistan build an enduring stable, secure, prosperous and democratic state, respectful of human rights and free from the threat of terrorism. Afghanistan is the Alliance’s key priority. We recognised after the tragic events of 11 September 2001, that Euro-Atlantic and broader international security is tied to Afghanistan’s stability and future. Our presence in Afghanistan is at the request of the Government of Afghanistan and mandated by the United Nations. Neither we nor our Afghan partners will allow extremists and terrorists such as the Taliban or al-Qaeda, to regain control of Afghanistan or use it as a base for terror that threatens all of our people and has been felt in many of our countries and beyond. As we help Afghanistan rebuild, our guiding principles are: a firm and shared long-term commitment; support for enhanced Afghan leadership and responsibility; a comprehensive approach by the international community, bringing together civilian and military efforts; and increased cooperation and engagement with Afghanistan’s neighbours, especially Pakistan. SOURCE: North Atlantic Treaty Organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:27:56 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23348 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23348 Few would have thought in 1990 that NATO had a bright future. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the demise of the Warsaw Pact had pundits and academics alike predicting NATO’s demise. But instead of withering away, NATO has spent the last 18 years redefining itself and taking on new missions. It has expanded into Central and Eastern Europe, ensuring the spread of democracy and stability; helped to end conflict in the former Yugoslavia; and provided relief for the victims of natural disasters in Pakistan and on America’s Gulf coast. Today the Alliance is on the front line of the struggle against global terrorism with a full on campaign against al Qaeda and Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:25:19 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23347 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23347 Ahead of a presidential trip to Europe built around the upcoming summit of the Atlantic alliance in Romania, President Bush said his chief goal “is to make sure NATO stays relevant.” The best way to do that, he said, is to “deal with the threats of Afghanistan.” Yet when Bush arrives in Bucharest for the three-day summit, he’ll find his allies often define relevance differently. NATO, experts say, suffers from a deficit of strategic vision. The definition and redefinition since 1991 of an alliance once held together by the Soviet threat has yet to produce a long-term strategy everyone can coalesce around. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 02 Apr 2008 15:05:01 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23344 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23344 August 2008 marks the fifth anniversary of NATO’s presence in Afghanistan. Set against the devastating effect of decades of conflict, these five years have witnessed substantial progress in all spheres of Afghan life – from a reasonably stable security situation in most of the country to a massive increase in the number of health clinics and children in schools. Since 2003, NATO-ISAF has gradually extended its reach and is now responsible for security across the whole country. The number of our troops has grown steadily from the initial 5,000 in Kabul to the current 47,000 ISAF personnel in theatre. Today, large parts of the country are relatively stable with no or very few security incidents per month even if the security situation in southern Afghanistan and parts of the East remains challenging for international and Afghan security forces. SOURCE: North Atlantic Treaty Organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization Mon, 31 Mar 2008 12:57:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23249 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23249 NATO’s upcoming summit in Bucharest this April comes at a particularly challenging moment in the Alliance’s history. In Afghanistan, NATO forces face a resurgent Taliban in the south, widespread corruption across the country, and steady growth in the illicit narcotics industry. Closer to home, the Alliance must contend with the prospect of renewed violence in the Balkans and an increasingly strained relationship with Russia over missile defense, Kosovo, Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE), and NATO’s open door policy to the East. Broader “theological” issues are also at stake, with critics on both sides of the Atlantic calling attention to NATO’s lack of political cohesion, outmoded strategic concept, and poor coordination with other institutional actors, including the European Union and United Nations. SOURCE: British American Security Information Council British American Security Information Council Mon, 31 Mar 2008 12:15:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23247 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23247 Afghanistan presents NATO with both its greatest opportunity and its most pressing threat. An alliance established to secure Europe from the might of the Soviet Union at a time dominated by Cold War tensions is now struggling to find its direction in a very different environment, and is under pressure to transform its way of operating at both military and political levels. The current tensions within the alliance do not constitute the first intramural crisis in NATO’s history, but they are potentially the most corrosive. If NATO’s Afghanistan mission comes to be seen as a failure, it is difficult to envisage other constructive purposes to which the alliance might readily be put in a post-Soviet world. NATO as an Atlantic alliance depends on a web of working relationships between NATO capitals, which a failure in a theater of operations such as Afghanistan could easily rupture. SOURCE: Chatham House Chatham House Mon, 31 Mar 2008 11:31:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23241 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23241 As you all know, Afghanistan will be at the forefront of discussion in the forthcoming NATO summit in Bucharest. And the temptation is to say, once again. Since 2001, Afghanistan has always been in the conversation about international relations, has always been at the forefront of international relations. There was a period of, how could I say – perhaps it was briefly forgotten, but never for very long. And it seemed that we are facing there an unending conflict. It took a new dimension, obviously, in 2001 because of 9/11, but also because suddenly NATO decided to move in. And that was something new, not only for Afghanistan definitely but definitely for NATO. It changed the nature of the alliance. It did raise a number of issues. And with these new questions came, obviously, new problems. SOURCE: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Fri, 28 Mar 2008 14:08:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23213 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23213 NATO will hold a summit in Bucharest, Romania, April 2-4, 2008. The allies will seek to clarify NATO’s mission, with special attention to the stabilization of Afghanistan. They will also debate how to counter new threats, such as cyber attacks and energy cut-offs, as well as a possible missile defense system. In addition, they will decide whether to extend invitations for membership to any of three candidate states — Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia — and whether to put Georgia and Ukraine into the Membership Action Plan, a preliminary step to membership. See also CRS Report RL34415, Enlargement Issues at NATO’s Bucharest Summit, coordinated by Paul Gallis [http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/showRecord.php?RecordId=23212]. This report will be updated as events warrant. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Fri, 28 Mar 2008 14:07:00 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23212 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23212 NATO will hold a summit in Bucharest on April 2-4, 2008, and a principal issue will be the consideration of the candidacies for membership of Albania, Croatia, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM, or the Republic of Macedonia). These candidate states are small, with correspondingly small militaries, and their inclusion in the alliance cannot be considered strategic in a military sense. However, it is possible that they could play an important role in the stabilization of southeastern Europe. At Bucharest NATO will also consider whether to offer a Membership Action Plan (MAP) to Georgia and Ukraine. The MAP is a viewed as a way station to membership. However, Russia’s strong objection to the two countries’ eventual membership, as well as internal separatist conflicts in Georgia and public opposition to allied membership in Ukraine are among several factors that may slow the two countries’ path to closer association with NATO. Energy security for candidate states in a future round of enlargement may also prove to be an important issue. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Wed, 26 Mar 2008 15:32:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23183 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=23183 The idea that the terrorist is the enemy of all states and of each state has gained in strength in recent years. How do states come to perceive that they are threatened by ‘terrorism’? And how do the specific characteristics of states determine their co-operative efforts to counter the threat? After the deadly attacks of September 2001, the United States has been at the forefront of attempts to rally states across the globe against terrorism. As counter-terrorism co-operation gradually spreads, there is much to be gained by studying the processes through which different states come to understand themselves as targets of terrorism and participate in institutions. SOURCE: Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Waterloo // University of British Columbia Annual Convention of the International Studies Association // University of Waterloo // University of British Columbia