Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Governance and Security". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:30 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:30 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 15:22:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24390 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24390 Concepts of national security and human security can be tenuously balanced in any assessment of the risks and benefits of defence development. In order to ensure an effective balance is maintained in the interests of both human and national security, new paradigms and research agendas for pre-event public health analysis of war and defence policy should be applied. This paper discusses traditional approaches to war and public health, and considers the benefits of a shift in public health focus from post-event emergency relief to pre-event analysis of war and defence policy. Three concepts of public health are applied to the analysis of defence policy – injury epidemiology, public health surveillance and social epidemiology. We conclude that a refocus on pre-event analysis will strengthen the role of public health in contributing to prevention of war and in the reorientation of defence planning towards the protection of human security and not only the state. SOURCE: Peace Studies Journal Peace Studies Journal Thu, 15 May 2008 14:59:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24388 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24388 This article discusses and reviews the role of decentralisation in peace making and conflict management processes. In the paper, we argue that decentralisation as devolution plays an ambiguous role in such processes. In some cases, decentralisation may provide opportunities for peace and conflict management due to being an instrument of power sharing, while in other cases such sharing of power may ignite further conflict. Examples from armed conflicts in African countries are used to illustrate this ambiguity. In order for decentralisation to lead to peace making and conflict management, we argue that an interdependent central-local relationship is crucial. Such a relationship entails that the state devolves powers and resources and at the same time ensures fiscal equity between local government areas and that local governments are accountable. Moreover, we argue that there is a tendency in African countries which have been in processes of peace making and conflict management where decentralisation has been introduced that there is a move from regionalism to municipalism. This move is in some cases applied by central government authorities as a strategy of cooptation, because by transferring power to the local level, regional authorities are enforced to split and act at lower levels of government. SOURCE: Peace Studies Journal Peace Studies Journal Thu, 15 May 2008 13:03:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24386 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24386 It seems possible that the Council will take up the situation in Lebanon in the coming days. The recent fighting in Beirut brought back memories of the Civil War and underlined to all how fragile the situation has become with the ongoing political crisis. An Arab League delegation is arriving in Beirut today to try to mediate between the two sides. The “Friends of Lebanon” have called for the immediate cessation of fighting. Some Council members are currently considering whether the Council can add its voice in a constructive way to reinforcing these initiatives and calming the crisis. However, at press time, the timing and the format of any Council action remained unclear. SOURCE: Security Council Report Security Council Report Thu, 15 May 2008 12:47:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24384 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24384 The recent clashes between government supporters and Hizbullah, which claimed more than 80 lives, marked the most serious escalation in Lebanon's internal divisions since the end of the 1975-1990 civil war and demonstrates how the impending threat of a new civil war is constantly present. The decision by the government of Fouad Siniora to ban Hizbullah's phone network, which is critical to its military operations, and dismiss a Shia army officer responsible for security at Beirut's airport, was taken as a "declaration of war" by Hizbullah which laid siege to west Beirut and government institutions. The government's decision to withdraw the measures marked a significant victory for Hizbullah, at least for the short term. SOURCE: Foreign Policy Association Foreign Policy Association Thu, 15 May 2008 12:37:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24383 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24383 Hizbollah’s takeover of much of West Beirut began as a cost-of-living strike on 7 May 2008. Yet the course of events, their speed and ultimately violent turn exposed the true stakes. For almost four years, Lebanon has been in a crisis alternatively revolving around the government’s composition, its program, the international tribunal investigating Rafiq al-Hariri’s assassination, the choice of a new president and the electoral law. All attempts at peaceful resolution having failed, it has reverted, more dangerously than ever, to its origins: an existential struggle over Hizbollah’s arms. The government’s 14 May decision to reverse the measures – removal of the airport security chief and questioning Hizbollah’s parallel telephone system, a key part of its military apparatus, precipitated the crisis – is welcome as is the Arab League-mediated solution. The onus is now on all Lebanese parties to agree a package deal that breaks the political logjam and restricts how Hizbollah can use its military strength without disarming it for now. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Thu, 15 May 2008 12:27:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24382 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24382 Military operations against armed opposition groups in Pakistan have displaced hundreds of thousands of people in recent months, according to the limited information available. While many of the internally displaced people (IDPs) have apparently been able to return to their areas of origin after an end to the fighting, others remain displaced with little access to hu-manitarian assistance. In the North West Frontier Province’s Swat Valley, conflict between an armed opposition group and the army led to Asia’s biggest new displacement in 2007, with between 400,000 and 900,000 people forced to flee their homes towards the end of the year. Many people re-turned as soon as possible, but some of them found their homes and property damaged. SOURCE: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Thu, 15 May 2008 12:22:33 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24381 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24381 To understand the reasons for the relative failures of the transition to democracy, the formation of a law-based state and the establishment of respect for human rights in the independent states of Central Asia today, as well as the role of the international community, one has to assess, first of all, the dynamics of the political process in this region of the world. In large part, the origins of the current weakness of democratic processes are the result of developments during the final decades of Soviet power. By the early 1990s, there arose a situation in which the ruling authorities Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), ruling authorities, realising the necessity of reform but at the same time wishing to retain power, initiated a set of reforms that employed democratic phraseology but which aimed first of all at protecting the interests of the ruling group. In this context, during the late 1980s and early 1990s, the reduction of the CPSU’s power, on the other hand and the beginning of independence for the former republics of the Soviet Union on the other hand resulted in a certain liberalisation of both public opinion and social institutions. SOURCE: Centre for European Policy Studies Centre for European Policy Studies Thu, 15 May 2008 12:10:58 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24380 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24380 Two agreements signed since the end of 2007 offer some hope for an end to more than a decade of violence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), even if fighting has continued and a lasting solution has yet to be found to the presence in the region of Rwandan Hutu rebels, according to analysts. Since the DRC government and various armed groups in the chronically unstable North Kivu province signed a ceasefire in January, the truce has been repeatedly violated and the number of displaced civilians in the province has increased. The ceasefire was one of the highlights of an ‘Act of Engagement’ signed on 23 January in Goma, capital of North Kivu province, where some 847,000 people are displaced. SOURCE: Integrated Regional Information Networks Integrated Regional Information Networks Thu, 15 May 2008 12:08:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24379 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24379 Negotiations toward a ceasefire in Gaza, mediated by Egypt and other channels, have been ongoing for some time. Now, however, Egypt's efforts to convince Hamas and the other armed groups in Gaza to agree to a ceasefire while relinquishing some of their demands have borne fruit. The Egyptian minister of intelligence, Omar Suleiman, came to Israel to urge the government to accept Egypt's proposal for a six month ceasefire. Israel must decide whether such a ceasefire would harm Israel's broader interests, and whether its conditions resolve Israel's principal hesitations. The main terms of the ceasefire that must be agreed upon are: The territory to which it applies; Who is governed by it; Its linkage to the easing of pressure on Gaza. * Its linkage to the issue of arms smuggling into Gaza SOURCE: Institute for National Security Studies Institute for National Security Studies Thu, 15 May 2008 09:08:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24376 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24376 The paper, authored by Raspal Khosa, argues that Australia’s security interests are tied to the success of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission. The paper advances three key recommendations on how to increase the effectiveness of Australia’s commitment at little additional cost. First, we must focus on security sector reform by training competent Afghan security forces. Second, we must improve reconstruction and development efforts through better coordination of civil and military resources. Third, we must engage with Pakistan more closely to contain cross-border insurgent activity. The paper argues that the only way to expedite our withdrawal and protect our interests is to work towards a sustainable, democratic and secure Afghanistan. SOURCE: Australian Strategic Policy Institute Australian Strategic Policy Institute Wed, 14 May 2008 17:15:13 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24374 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24374 Dans la même lignée que ses alliés, le Canada plaçait en 2005 les « États en déroute » au centre de son Énoncé de politique internationale ; ils constitueraient, pour reprendre la terminologie de cet Énoncé, autant de « menaces pour la sécurité régionale et mondiale », car la déliquescence de « leurs structures de gouvernement » favoriserait le terrorisme et le crime organisé. À l’instar de son voisin américain, le Canada se dit aujourd’hui plus menacé par la faiblesse des États que par leur puissance. Cette version officielle trouve des échos dans les milieux académiques : à l’heure actuelle prédomine cette conviction que l’instabilité politique d’un quelconque État à la marge du système international représente un danger potentiel à la sécurité des plus grandes puissances au monde. Cette proposition suggère deux hypothèses distinctes : d’une part, que la défaillance étatique expliquerait l’émergence de groupes terroristes (relation causale) et, d’autre part, que les États défaillants joueraient un rôle dans le renforcement de la menace terroriste (relation fonctionnelle). À l’indétermination de la nature du rapport entre ces deux variables, s’ajoutent une terminologie éclatée (État effondré, défaillant, faible, etc.) et des concepts dont la définition est incertaine, ce qui ne permet pas d’esquisser des réponses à certaines questions fondamentales : quelle défaillance favorise le terrorisme ? celle de la légitimité politique ? des institutions de sécurité ? À quel type de terrorisme est il fait référence? au terrorisme transnational ? au terrorisme des groupes engagés dans des conflits nationaux ? SOURCE: Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Programme paix et sécurité internationales, Université Laval Wed, 14 May 2008 16:10:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 Cette étude porte sur les termes et les circonstances dans lesquels le gouvernement canadien a construit et légitimé la politique de sécurité du Canada en Afghanistan de 2001 à 2007. Par la mobilisation des grilles analytiques des approches théoriques postmoderne et constructiviste critique aux Relations internationales, l’auteur identifie et décrit un processus de renouvellement de l’internationalisme canadien dans le sens d’une politique étrangère davantage interventionniste, fondée sur une redéfinition des notions de souveraineté et de territorialité, ainsi que sur un rapport problématique entre militarisme et développementalisme. (date de publication = septembre 2008) SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Wed, 14 May 2008 15:47:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24369 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24369 « Grande campagne de miracle », « programme spécial de guérison divine », « soirée de délivrance et de prophétie » : de telles annonces fleurissent sur les murs des grandes métropoles africaines, témoignant de la visibilité croissante des manifestations pentecôtistes en Afrique subsaharienne. Depuis plusieurs années, l’expansion du pentecôtisme sur le continent suscite un intérêt grandissant. Pour beaucoup d’observateurs, la croissance de ce courant chrétien, qui se manifeste notamment par une pratique religieuse expressive et démonstrative, provoque une certaine méfiance. Un grand nombre d’idées reçues accompagne en effet le développement des Églises et des mouvements pentecôtistes : le phénomène serait entièrement nouveau, il serait massif et déstabiliserait les autres forces religieuses, il enfermerait les individus dans de nouvelles identités, il serait dirigé depuis les États-Unis, correspondrait à l’imposition d’un modèle américain et ferait le jeu de la politique états-unienne, etc… Pourtant, des études novatrices ont été conduites depuis une quinzaine d’années, tant par des chercheurs européens qu’africains. Elles permettent de dresser un état des lieux du pentecôtisme sur le continent en soulignant notamment, par ce biais, l’insertion de l’Afrique subsaharienne dans la globalisation. Elles soulignent également la pluralité du phénomène, représenté par des milliers d’Églises différentes et sa complexité. Elles insistent enfin sur l’ambivalence d’un mouvement qui contribue à la création de nouvelles sociabilités tout en renforçant l’individualisation, et entretient de multiples formes de relation au politique. SOURCE: Institut français des relations internationales Institut français des relations internationales Wed, 14 May 2008 15:34:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24368 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24368 Visite historique. Dimanche 10 mai, alors que la Birmanie sinistrée et isolée se « pressait » vers les urnes — avec l’enthousiasme que l’on imagine…— (referendum sur un projet de nouvelle Constitution), que la police népalaise procédait à l’arrestation de 600 manifestants tibétains à Katmandou, un événement politique majeur s’achevait en Asie, dans l’harmonie et l’entrain. Après une visite « historique » d’une exceptionnelle densité, le Président chinois Hu Jintao quittait l’archipel nippon pour regagner, à l’issue de cinq journées de rencontres, de discours et déclarations communes, Pékin et sa fièvre pré-olympique. Une mauvaise nouvelle l’accueillerait hélas deux jours plus tard (séisme dans le Sichuan ; 10 000 morts). Ainsi, nulle anicroche tibétaine significative lors de ce séjour en terre japonaise, pourtant bercée de shintoïsme et de bouddhisme ; Tokyo et le fébrile gouvernement de Y. Fukuda s’y sont employés (7 000 policiers déployés) ; rien ni personne ne devait gâcher la fête des « retrouvailles » entre les deux puissances d’Asie orientale, 2eme et 3eme économies mondiales, toute à la fois voisines, partenaires et rivales. Il n’aurait pû être question que ce rarissime déplacement du plus haut dignitaire chinois au Japon (seulement le 2eme depuis 1972 !) ne soit terni par des phénomènes périphériques… ou suive une trame aussi catastrophique qu’en 1998, lors de la venue du Pdt Jiang Zemin, lestée du sceau de l’échec et de l’incompréhension (J. Zemin avait évoqué, devant l’Empereur Akihito notamment, l’occupation militaire japonaise en Chine). SOURCE: Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques Wed, 14 May 2008 15:18:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24366 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24366 Michael Young, a political analyst in Beirut, says Hezbollah’s efforts to impose its will in Lebanon have led to “a prolonged crisis that is a reflection of the cold war in the region” between Iran and the United States and their respective allies. He worries that Hezbollah’s latest efforts to show off its military power may spawn genuine hatred between Shiites and Sunnis in Lebanon. “Things could get a lot worse before they get better,” he says. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 14 May 2008 14:42:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24365 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24365 The Council has been discussing, both at the experts level and in informal consultations, the humanitarian situation in Myanmar since Cyclone Nargis struck the country on 2 May 2008. France has been pushing for Council action but, at the time of writing, it was unclear if France would put a draft resolution on the table. It seems that a text is being consulted with various members of the Council and that it may appeal to member states to offer emergency aid and assistance and urge the government of Myanmar to establish a coordinating mechanism to assist and facilitate in the delivery of aid. SOURCE: Security Council Report Security Council Report Wed, 14 May 2008 13:36:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24362 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24362 Speakers: Chris Beyrer, M.D. Department of Epidemiology Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Patrick Marcham Director, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief National Security Council (NSC) Ky Luu Director Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) Moderated by: Derek Mitchell Senior Fellow and Director for Asia CSIS International Security program SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 14 May 2008 13:35:49 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24360 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24360 The May 4 referendum in Bolivia's Santa Cruz region to approve an autonomy statute highlights the deep lack of consensus that permeates Bolivian politics and society. Under its terms, the statute establishes Santa Cruz as an “autonomous department” within Bolivia with many of the rights and privileges normally reserved for a national government. The referendum, denounced by President Evo Morales and his supporters as illegitimate and unconstitutional, in fact tracks closely with the overall course of Bolivian politics during the last five years, leading to a situation in which the exercise of political power and the rule of law are often at odds. If this tendency is not reversed, Bolivia’s already weak social, regional, ethnic, and political fabric will fray. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 14 May 2008 12:39:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24353 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24353 In late 2006, the European Union awarded Oxford Research Group, the Middle East Policy Initiative Forum (MEPIF) and Conflicts Forum €500,000 over two years under its Partnerships for Peace programme. This project is designed to help develop more inclusive and legitimate approaches to transforming the Middle East conflict. The landscape of conflict and security is shifting across the Middle East. This project aims to support a new, inclusive approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict by opening new space for consultations among legitimate yet opposed stakeholders through civil society-brokered dialogue, analysis and engagement. The goal is to explore accommodations grounded in real support in the societies. The action will engage rooted elements of Palestinian and Israeli societies and stakeholders from the wider region, including faith-based movements. SOURCE: Oxford Research Group Oxford Research Group Wed, 14 May 2008 12:31:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24351 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24351 The Joint Committee on Human Rights scrutinises Government Bills for their human rights compatibility. The Committee draws the special attention of both Houses to the Counter-Terrorism Bill. This is the Committee’s second Report on this Bill. The Committee has also published four other Reports relevant to the Bill. This Report updates them in light of the Government’s replies to two of the Committee’s Reports and puts forward amendments to the Bill to give effect to the Committee’s recommendations. The Committee’s approach is based on the human rights standards with which the Government’s counter-terrorism measures must be compatible and on the belief that such measures should as far as possible be part of the ordinary criminal law (paragraphs 1-5). SOURCE: United Kingdom House of Lords // United Kingdom House of Commons // Joint Committee on Human Rights United Kingdom House of Lords // United Kingdom House of Commons // Joint Committee on Human Rights Wed, 14 May 2008 12:16:15 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24349 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24349 Après 2 ans de pourparlers marqués par l’impossibilité de parvenir à un consensus international quant au statut politique de la province, le Kosovo a unilatéralement déclaré son indépendance le 17 février 2008, une indépendance que le Canada a officiellement reconnue un mois plus tard, le 18 mars 2008. Le 24 octobre 2005, le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies avait décidé d’ouvrir des négociations sur le statut politique du Kosovo et désigné Martti Ahtisaari, ancien Président finlandais, comme envoyé spécial. Ces négociations, menées entre février 2006 et mars 2007 à Vienne, par des représentants de Belgrade et de Pristina, sous la présidence de Ahtisaari, n’ont toutefois pas permis de rapprocher les positions des deux parties. Faute d’un accord entre Belgrade et Pristina, Ahtisaari a élaboré un Projet de statut pour le Kosovo, à savoir un statut d’« indépendance sous supervision internationale », présenté au Conseil de sécurité en mars 2007. Devant l’objection de certains États membres, notamment la Russie, la situation piétinait depuis. SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Wed, 14 May 2008 12:10:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24348 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24348 Le gouvernement ouzbek continue les persécutions contre les personnes qu’il soupçonne d’avoir un lien avec les troubles de mai 2005 à Andijan, affirme Human Rights Watch dans un nouveau rapport publié aujourd’hui. Le rapport de 45 pages, « Saving its Secrets: Government Repression in Andijan » (« Des secrets bien gardés : La répression gouvernementale à Andijan »), documente les pressions intenses exercées par le gouvernement à l’encontre des personnes ayant participé aux manifestations d’Andijan, des familles de réfugiés qui ont fui l’Ouzbékistan à la suite des violences d’Andijan, et des réfugiés qui sont revenus en Ouzbékistan. Les interrogatoires, la surveillance constante, l’ostracisme et les menaces ont continué à engendrer de nouveaux réfugiés d’Andijan. Certains de ces réfugiés fuient pour la deuxième fois depuis le 13 mai 2005, date à laquelle les forces de sécurité gouvernementales ont massacré des centaines de personnes en tentant de réprimer les manifestations antigouvernementales faisant suite à une attaque armée contre la ville. SOURCE: Human Rights Watch - Défendre les droits humains à travers le monde Human Rights Watch - Défendre les droits humains à travers le monde Wed, 14 May 2008 12:06:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24347 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24347 In a significant change of policy, Turkey recently initiated high-level official dialogue with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq. A columnist for the Turkish mass circulation daily Zaman commented that such an official dialogue “was not an ordinary step. It was a turning point in the approach to the Kurdish issue and broke a taboo” (Zaman, May 5). The talks—which focused on a wide range of political, economic and security issues—are the first to occur on such a high official level. The May 2 talks in Baghdad involved a delegation led by KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani and a Turkish delegation led by Ahmet Davutoglu, the senior advisor to the Turkish prime minister; Murat Ozcelik, the special coordinator for Iraqi affairs at the Turkish Foreign Ministry; and Derya Kanbay, Turkey’s ambassador in Baghdad. SOURCE: Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation Wed, 14 May 2008 11:35:42 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24338 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24338 Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique est le fruit de larges travaux de recherche sur les pratiques de gouvernance entrepris dans 27 pays africains par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique (CEA), par l’intermédiaire d’instituts nationaux de recherche, qui ont recueilli, ensemble par échantillonnage, les opinions de plus de 50 000 ménages et de 2 000 experts. Les conclusions, soumises à la CEA entre 2002 et 2004, ont fait l’objet d’un processus rigoureux d’examens auxquels ont participé des experts nationaux et internationaux travaillant sur la gouvernance et les questions politiques et économiques. Ce rapport est la première grande étude de ce type initiée par les pays africains, qui vise à analyser de façon empirique les opinions des citoyens quant à l’état de la gouvernance dans leurs pays, tout en mettant en évidence les principaux déficits de capacité dans les pratiques et institutions de gouvernance et en recommandant des pratiques optimales et des solutions pour y faire face. On s’est attaché à assurer l’appropriation locale de l’ensemble empirique de résultats afin de renforcer l’efficacité et la légitimité de la prise de décisions et de l’effort de sensibilisation aux niveaux national et infrarégional. Les données ainsi générées peuvent être utilisées pour mesurer la performance des gouvernements et de toutes les principales parties prenantes dans leur réponse aux préoccupations exprimées par les citoyens et pour suivre la mesure dans laquelle le contrat qu’ils ont passé entre eux est respecté. Nous avons pris soin de ne pas être trop directif. Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique contient des recommandations qui découlent essentiellement des réalités propres aux pays, car, pour être durable, la gouvernance doit être replacée dans son contexte et internalisée. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Wed, 14 May 2008 11:08:23 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24336 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24336 Né en 1954 à Jérusalem, Moustapha Barghouti est médecin, formé dans les universités de Moscou, Jérusalem et Stanford. Il est secrétaire général d’Al-Mubadara (Initiative nationale palestinienne, INP), une organisation politique laïque. Il a été ministre de l’information dans le gouvernement palestinien d’union nationale constitué en 2007 après les élections législatives. Il fut aussi, en 2006, candidat à l’élection présidentielle. Il obtint un tiers des voix et se classa en seconde position, derrière le président actuel de l’Autorité palestinienne, M. Mahmoud Abbas. Leader de la principale organisation de Résistance de masse qui s’appuie sur la force de la non-violence, le Dr Barghouti a pour modèle de référence Gandhi, le père de l’indépendance de l’Inde, obtenue contre les Britanniques au moyen d’une stratégie de non-violence. Au sein d’une société palestinienne malmenée par six décennies de conflits, lasse de la corruption du Fatah et méfiante à l’égard du fondamentalisme religieux du Hamas, le soutien populaire, en particulier des couches laïques, aux thèses d’Al Mubadara se renforce sans cesse. SOURCE: Le Monde Diplomatique Le Monde Diplomatique Wed, 14 May 2008 11:02:26 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24335 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24335 Le présent rapport fait la synthèse de la première grande étude continentale visant à mesurer et contrôler les « Progrès accomplis sur la voie de la bonne gouvernance en Afrique », entreprise par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, des enquêtes et des recherches ont été menées sur 28 pays. Les résultats complets et l’analyse de l’étude seront publiés en 2005 dans le premier «Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique ». La CEA a entrepris ce travail pour évaluer l’idée que les citoyens se font de l’état de la gouvernance en Afrique, pour rassembler des informations sur les meilleures pratiques et pour identifier les principaux besoins de la région en matière de développement des capacités. Le projet a identifié quatre tendances positives sur la voie de la création d’États compétents en Afrique: transitions démocratiques, ouverture politique, liberté d’expression et obligation comptable, et gestion économique. SOURCE: Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Nations Unies // Commission économique pour l'Afrique Wed, 14 May 2008 11:00:46 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24334 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24334 This report outlines one offensive conducted by the Burma Army against the Karen people in northern Karen State, eastern Burma. It also provides an insight into other means by which the dictators attempt to control and exploit the population in the ethnic areas and provides an analysis of Burma Army strategy and tactics and how the ethnic resistance counters these. It describes the situation of the internally displaced people (IDPs) and makes recommendations for action. Finally, it tells the story of a people living on the edge of survival who have not given up and need help. The slow but unrelenting attacks and building of new camps seem to be driven by a plan to dominate,chase out or crush any people in these areas. This was the largest offensive in Karen State since 1997. It began in earnest in February 2006, with troops from over fifty battalions attacking through the rainy season, and the construction of 7 new main camps and 26 smaller support camps. The Burma Army is now planning the construction of two new roads that, when completed, will cut the northern Karen State into quarters. SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers Free Burma Rangers Wed, 14 May 2008 10:25:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 Ce document porte sur le conflit des Grands Lacs en Afrique, qui a donné naissance au génocide rwandais en 1994 avant d'aboutir à l'affrontement de sept pays sur le même sol de la république démocratique du congo. Ces nombreux affrontements de plus de quarante ans qui ont opposé les hutu et les tutsi ont coûté beaucoup à l'Afrique, particulièrement sur le plan économique. Il a fallu attendre les années 2004 pour qu'un espoir de paix se fasse jour ; une paix à laquelle la communauté internationale veut apporter un timide soutien. Le portail propose également une rubrique "Repères", ainsi qu'une carte géographique du continent africain. Table des matières : Introduction I- Un conflit ancien 1.Hutu et Tutsi : 40 ans d'affrontements 2.Le génocide rwandais de 1994 3.Le premier conflit du Zaïre 1996-1997 II- La régionalisation du conflit 1998-2003 1.Sept pays en guerre sur le sol de la Rép. dém. du Congo (RDC) 2.Un conflit meurtrier 3.Le pillage des ressources naturelles III- La RDC entre paix et guerre depuis 2003 1.La transition démocratique 2.Persistance des violences SOURCE: La Documentation française, Paris, France La Documentation française, Paris, France Wed, 14 May 2008 10:22:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24331 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24331 U.S.-backed security operations in the southern Philippines are making progress but are also confusing counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency with dangerous implications for conflict in the region. The “Mindanao Model” – using classic counter-insurgency techniques to achieve counter-terror goals – has been directed against the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and has helped force its fighters out of their traditional stronghold on Basilan. But it runs the risk of pushing them into the arms of the broader insurgencies in Mindanao, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). The U.S. and the Philippines need to revive mechanisms to keep these conflicts apart and refocus energies on peace processes with these groups. That imperative has become particularly acute since the Malaysian government announced with­drawal, beginning on 10 May, from the International Monitoring Team (IMT) that has helped keep a lid on conflict since 2004. If renewed attention to a peace agreement is not forth­coming by the time the IMT mandate ends in August, hostilities could quickly resume. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 14 May 2008 10:19:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24330 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24330 L'auteur fait une analyse de l'image négative présentée par l'Afrique sub-saharienne aux yeux non seulement des Occidentaux mais aussi des Africains eux-même. Il souligne l'existence d'une double vision. En effet, l'afropessimisme qui résulte des guerres et autres catastrophes prend de plus en plus le pas sur l'afrooptimisme qui a marqué les esprits au sortir des indépendances. Pour sortir cette région de son immobilisme, l'auteur présente quelques pistes de solutions notamment la maîtrise de l'expansion démographique et urbaine, le développement durable du monde rural et la formation. Il conclut en envisageant une renaissance de ce sous-continent qui passe par l’invention de son propre modèle de développement. SOURCE: Université de Perpignan. France Université de Perpignan. France Wed, 14 May 2008 10:08:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24329 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24329 Cette ressource analyse la notion d'États défaillants. L'une des questions abordées par l'auteur est celui de l'utilité du concept. Il est ainsi question de savoir si ce concept sert seulement à décrire et à comprendre une série de situations, ou s'il permet de développer à leur sujet des réponses communes, une stratégie d'action permettant de remédier à la défaillance des États. SOURCE: Ministère des affaires étrangères, Paris, France Ministère des affaires étrangères, Paris, France Tue, 13 May 2008 12:33:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24326 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24326 The risk of renewed violence in Ituri is limited today by the presence of the UN Mission in the Congo (MONUC), the dismantling of the majority of armed groups and the local population’s war weariness after years of suffering and destruction. To ensure lasting stabilisation, however, it is essential to tackle simultaneously the conflict’s root causes and abandon purely reactive or short-term approaches. Those root causes persist, including unequal access to land and unfair sharing of revenues from exploitation of natural resources. As local elections in 2009 approach, the absence of inter-community reconciliation and persistence of impunity for the majority of crimes committed during the war are also extremely worrying. To prevent new violence, which would affect women particularly, an integrated peacebuilding strategy has to be implemented, involving national and provincial institutions and with the active support of MONUC and donors. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Tue, 13 May 2008 12:30:36 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24325 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24325 Zimbabwe is facing a deepening political crisis, marked by state-sponsored violence against opposition party supporters. Following the March 29 presidential and parliamentary elections, in which the opposition won control of parliament and won more votes in the presidential contest, the government unleashed a nationwide campaign of violence against opposition groups. At least 32 supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, have been killed, over 700 have sought medical treatment, over 6700 have been displaced, and over 1000 people have been arrested. All signs point to the situation worsening, with the government using violence and intimidation ahead of a runoff presidential election announced by the government. SOURCE: ENOUGH Project ENOUGH Project Mon, 12 May 2008 15:16:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24313 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24313 This article contends that the William Clinton and George W. Bush administrations experienced similar transformations in their respective policies towards UN peace operations and nation-building. Although they began from nearly opposite perspectives, both came to remarkably similar conclusions about the value of peace operations, UN-led or otherwise, as tools for US foreign policy. Initial positions, driven in part by ideological concerns, gave way to more pragmatism about how the United States would support UN peace operations, reinforced by experiences with Congress and at the UN. A defining feature of this pragmatism was a deep reluctance to contribute significant numbers of troops to UN-commanded operations, even as both administrations supported increases in the number and scale of UN missions. SOURCE: The Henry L Stimson Center The Henry L Stimson Center Mon, 12 May 2008 15:11:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24312 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24312 Stability in the twenty-first century will only be achieved when trust is established between citizens and their states across the globe. Decades of persistent conflict have exposed millions of people to insecurity, loss of opportunity, and increased risk of falling into poverty. Failure or fragility of the state has been at the heart of this crisis of governance and human rights violation. Loss of legitimacy is the primary cause of the fragility and failure of states. The vicious cycle begins with loss of trust in the state to create an inclusive political, social, and economic order made predictable by rule of law. Some of the markers coincident with loss of legitimacy are: an increase in illegality, informality, and criminality in the economy; ineffective delivery of basic services; failure to maintain or expand essential infrastructure; increase in corruption; and appropriation of public assets for private gain. As a result, administrative control weakens and the bureaucracy is seen as an instrument for abuse of power, in turn leading to a crisis in public finances—where both revenue and expenditure are unpredictable and budgeting becomes an exercise in emergency management. SOURCE: Institute for State Effectiveness Institute for State Effectiveness Mon, 12 May 2008 14:54:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24310 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24310 On January 8, 2007, Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed set foot in the capital city of Mogadishu for the first time since taking office in 2004. His arrival symbolized a victory by Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) over the Islamic Courts, a group of fundamentalist Islamic militias that had grown so powerful over the preceding year that they briefly controlled much of the country’s territory. Though international observers had hoped the TFG would bring stability to the war-torn nation after sixteen years of “failed state” status, by mid-2008 experts said the TFG was fraught by internal divisions. Meanwhile, the Islamists have made a strong comeback, with an increasingly radicalized extremist movement holding sway over more moderate factions of the Courts. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Mon, 12 May 2008 14:10:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24308 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24308 On May 2, 2008, Cyclone Nargis swept through Burma’s delta region, devastating a country that was already on the brink of a humanitarian crisis. The death toll is likely to mount to over 70,000, and as many as two million people have been displaced from their homes. There are alarming reports of entire villages destroyed, their populations missing. The international community must rally around a UN-led response to the crisis, set aside political disputes with the government of Burma, and begin preparing for not only immediate assistance, but also medium- and long-term stabilization and reconstruction plans. Burma was ranked as one of the poorest countries in the world before Nargis hit. (See Burma: A New Way Forward). Though comprehensive assessments in the aftermath of the cyclone have yet to get underway, the delays in response are raising fears of cholera, malaria, malnutrition, and even starvation in isolated parts of the delta. SOURCE: Refugees International Refugees International Mon, 12 May 2008 13:43:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 In February 2006, Ugandans voted in the first multi-party elections in almost 26 years. President Yoweri Museveni and his ruling National Revolutionary Movement (NRM) parliamentary candidates won a decisive victory over opposition candidate Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democracy Coalition. Nevertheless, poll results showed a notable decline in support for President Museveni from previous elections. International election observers did not condemn the election results, nor did they fully endorse the electoral process. Critics charged the government with intimidating the opposition during the pre-election period, and Besigye spent much of the campaign period in jail. The election followed a controversial move by the Ugandan parliament in July 2005 to remove the constitutional two-term limit on the presidency. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 13:42:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24304 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24304 The attacks on U.S. soil on September 11, 2001, coupled with the rise of militant transnational Islamism, have prompted both the Bush Administration and the U.S. Congress to reassess foreign policy in Africa and to begin to give considerable attention to Africa’s Muslim populations and it’s failed and failing states. Some experts have noted that Africa’s failing and failed states may serve as a breeding ground for terrorists.1 In response to terrorist threats, the United States, in partnership with countries across Africa, has developed a range of strategies to help regional governments face the challenge of terror. Since September 11, 2001, the size of U.S. diplomatic missions in sub-Saharan African countries with large Muslim populations has increased. Presently, there are 45 active embassies in sub-Saharan Africa, including 16 new compounds built since 2001. Most recently, President Bush returned from a five-country visit to Africa, his second trip to the continent. Some observers view these trips as reflective of the Administration’s focus, which has seen increasing American engagement with the continent in recent years. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 13:20:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24302 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24302 Many forces combine in Pakistan to threaten global peace and security, rendering it the most dangerous country in today’s world. Violence is a dominant feature of the political landscape—most notably in the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in December 2007. The February 2008 elections, however, may have put Pakistan on a tortuous path toward democracy. In most respects, the current administration’s policy toward Pakistan has not paid off. The next President must change the agenda and seek to alter the mood, by revamping Pakistani visions of America. Pakistani people must be persuaded that America supports democracy in their country and can be a long-term and reliable ally. They should feel that the struggle against Al Qa’eda and its allies is their war as well as ours. SOURCE: The Brookings Institution The Brookings Institution Mon, 12 May 2008 13:12:25 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24301 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24301 On November 26, 2007, U.S. President George W. Bush and Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Kamel Al-Maliki signed a Declaration of Principles for a Long-Term Relationship of Cooperation and Friendship Between the Republic of Iraq and the United States of America. Pursuant to this Declaration, the parties pledged to “begin as soon as possible, with the aim to achieve, before July 31, 2008, agreements between the two governments with respect to the political, cultural, economic, and security spheres.” Among other things, the Declaration proclaims the parties’ intention to enter an agreement that would commit the United States to provide security assurances to Iraq, arm and train Iraqi security forces, and confront Al Qaeda and other terrorist entities within Iraqi territory. Officials in the Bush Administration have subsequently stated that the agreement will not commit the United States to militarily defend Iraq. The nature and form of such a U.S.-Iraq security agreement has been a source of congressional interest, in part because of statements by General Douglas Lute, Assistant to the President for Iraq and Afghanistan, who suggested that any such agreement was unlikely to take the form of a treaty, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, or otherwise require congressional approval. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:44:36 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24292 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24292 With enactment of the FY2008 Consolidated Appropriations Act (H.R. 2764/P.L. 110-161 on December 26, 2007, Congress has approved a total of about $700 billion for military operations, base security, reconstruction, foreign aid, embassy costs, and veterans’ health care for the three operations initiated since the 9/11 attacks: Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) Afghanistan and other counter terror operations; Operation Noble Eagle (ONE), providing enhanced security at military bases; and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). This $700 billion total covers all war-related appropriations from FY2001 in supplementals, regular appropriations, and continuing resolutions including not quite half of the FY2008 request. Of that total, CRS estimates that Iraq will receive about $526 billion (74%), OEF about $140 billion (20%), and enhanced base security about $28 billion (5%), with about $5 billion that CRS cannot allocate (1%). About 94% of the funds are for DOD, 6% for foreign aid programs and embassy operations, and less than 1% for medical care for veterans. As of January 2008, DOD’s monthly obligations for contracts and pay averaged about $12.2 billion, including $9.8 billion for Iraq, and $2.4 billion for Afghanistan. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:40:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 Kenya, a nation of about 36.9 million people, has been an important ally of the United States for decades. Kenya moved from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy in 1992. Kenyans voted in record numbers in the country’s first multiparty election in almost 26 years. President Daniel arap Moi defeated opposition candidates by a small margin. In 1997, Kenya held its second multi-party elections, at the height of tensions between the opposition and the ruling party. President Moi was re-elected with 40% of the votes cast, while his nearest rival, Mwai Kibaki, won 31%. In the 2002 presidential and parliamentary elections, the opposition National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) defeated the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU). In the presidential election, NARC leader Kibaki defeated Uhuru Kenyatta, the leader of KANU. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:39:17 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa, has been ravaged by civil war intermittently for four decades. More than 2 million people have died in Southern Sudan over the past two decades due to war-related causes and famine, and millions have been displaced from their homes. There were many failed attempts to end the civil war in southern Sudan, including efforts by Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia, former President Jimmy Carter, and the United States. In July 2002, the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) signed a peace framework agreement in Kenya. On May 26, 2004, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed three protocols on Power Sharing, on the Nuba Mountains and southern Blue Nile, and on the long disputed Abyei area. The signing of these protocols resolved all outstanding issues between the parties. On June 5, 2004, the parties signed “the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan.” On January 9, 2005, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the final peace agreement at a ceremony held in Nairobi, Kenya. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:36:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24288 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24288 Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008. As David Miliband noted in his Written Ministerial Statement of 19 February 2008, the declaration proclaims Kosovo as a democratic, secular and multi-ethnic republic and states that its leaders will promote the rights and participation of all communities in Kosovo. The Declaration also contains a unilateral undertaking to implement in full the obligations contained in the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (the Ahtisaari Plan) made by Martti Ahtisaari, UN Special Envoy for Kosovo, in February 2007, including its extensive minority safeguards. In the declaration Kosovo invited and welcomed an international civilian presence to supervise implementation of the Comprehensive Proposal, an EU rule of law and police mission and a continuation of NATO’s Kosovo Force. The declaration was adopted unanimously by the members of the Kosovo Assembly that were present. SOURCE: Chatham House Chatham House Mon, 12 May 2008 12:11:46 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24285 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24285 It’s hard to believe that, in 2008, the views and concerns of half the world’s population continue to be sidelined or ignored in the decision-making processes that govern everyday life. From decisions about how the family’s money is spent, to how the government runs the country, women the world over are still facing huge obstacles when it comes to voicing their opinions — and influencing the decisions that shape their lives. But there is some good news. Despite these barriers, women and girls are finding ways to affect and contribute to the political, socio-economic and cultural development of their communities and countries. They are learning how to change the rules of engagement and, in doing so, they are challenging power dynamics and decision-making — and tackling poverty. SOURCE: Womankind Worldwide Womankind Worldwide Mon, 12 May 2008 12:09:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24284 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24284 Insecurity in the 21st century appears to come less from the collisions of powerful states than from the debris of imploding ones. Failed states present a variety of dangers: religious and ethnic violence; trafficking of drugs, weapons, blood diamonds, and humans; transnational crime and piracy; uncontrolled territory, borders, and waters; terrorist breeding grounds and sanctuaries; refugee overflows; communicable diseases; environmental degradation; warlords and stateless armies. Regions with failed states are at risk of becoming failed regions, like the vast triangle from Sudan to the Congo to Sierra Leone. For security, material, and moral reasons, leading states cannot ignore failed ones. Yet both the world’s leading states and the multilateral institutions they manage are struggling in their attempts to help failed states recover. Indeed, “[t]he complex problem of state failure may be much discussed, but it remains little understood.”1 Although the sheer magnitude and multitude of the problems that failed states face go a long way toward explaining such frustration, we find (as others have) that the linkages among these challenges are what make recovery so difficult—linkages that the international community is not organized to treat. SOURCE: RAND Corporation RAND Corporation Mon, 12 May 2008 11:05:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24283 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24283 While survivors of the deadly cyclone in the Irrawaddy Delta and coastal regions of Burma struggle for survival, and the international community struggles through the obstruction and mismanagement of the SPDC to assist them, villagers in many areas of Karen State continue to be the target of the Junta's brutal policy of terror and oppression. The Burma Army has launched numerous attacks against villagers and IDP populations throughout northern Karen State. Hundreds have been displaced, villages and homes have been burned down and villagers killed as the Burma Army has stepped up its efforts to terrorize villagers into hiding in Toungoo District. Hundreds have also fled in Nyaunglebin and Papun Districts as the Burma Army mortars villages, captures and kills villagers, and continues to expand its network of military camps into the farms and villages of the local Karen people. SOURCE: Free Burma Rangers Free Burma Rangers Fri, 09 May 2008 14:09:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24280 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24280 On November 19, 2001, the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) convened a roundtable discussion on “Rebuilding Afghanistan: Establishing Security and the Rule of Law.” Participants in the discussion included experts on Afghan law and legal traditions; practitioners and specialists on such issues as post-conflict administration of justice, civilian policing, institution- and capacity-building, technical legal assistance programs, the role of peacekeeping forces in the administration of justice, and the investigation and prosecution of terrorism; and members of the NGO and policy communities. The event was organized in recognition that the process of political transition, reconstruction and recovery in Afghanistan will involve enormous challenges for the people of Afghanistan and for the international community. SOURCE: United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace Fri, 09 May 2008 11:50:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24278 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24278 When Burmese troops opened fire on unarmed demonstrators here last September, marking the violent culmination of weeks of pro-democracy protests, the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) had 30 undercover reporters on the streets. Despite the military government’s strict coverage bans, the journalists used the Internet to transmit news reports and images to DVB, which disseminated the information globally. The reporting, some of which was rebroadcast by major international media outlets such as CNN and Al-Jazeera, provided the world with disturbing and iconic images of the unrest, which came to be known as the Saffron Revolution. Burmese authorities, seeing these uncensored pictures leak through their tightly controlled borders, shut down the Internet altogether at the height of their brutal crackdown, which resulted in the detentions of nearly 3,000 people and the deaths of at least 31 others. SOURCE: Committee to Protect Journalists Committee to Protect Journalists