Items related to "Human Security Gateway: Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Reconstruction". Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:32 +0000 Fri, 16 May 2008 0:30:32 +0000 robert_hartfiel@sfu.ca (Robert Hartfiel) Thu, 15 May 2008 12:10:58 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24380 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24380 Two agreements signed since the end of 2007 offer some hope for an end to more than a decade of violence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), even if fighting has continued and a lasting solution has yet to be found to the presence in the region of Rwandan Hutu rebels, according to analysts. Since the DRC government and various armed groups in the chronically unstable North Kivu province signed a ceasefire in January, the truce has been repeatedly violated and the number of displaced civilians in the province has increased. The ceasefire was one of the highlights of an ‘Act of Engagement’ signed on 23 January in Goma, capital of North Kivu province, where some 847,000 people are displaced. SOURCE: Integrated Regional Information Networks Integrated Regional Information Networks Thu, 15 May 2008 12:08:57 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24379 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24379 Negotiations toward a ceasefire in Gaza, mediated by Egypt and other channels, have been ongoing for some time. Now, however, Egypt's efforts to convince Hamas and the other armed groups in Gaza to agree to a ceasefire while relinquishing some of their demands have borne fruit. The Egyptian minister of intelligence, Omar Suleiman, came to Israel to urge the government to accept Egypt's proposal for a six month ceasefire. Israel must decide whether such a ceasefire would harm Israel's broader interests, and whether its conditions resolve Israel's principal hesitations. The main terms of the ceasefire that must be agreed upon are: The territory to which it applies; Who is governed by it; Its linkage to the easing of pressure on Gaza. * Its linkage to the issue of arms smuggling into Gaza SOURCE: Institute for National Security Studies Institute for National Security Studies Wed, 14 May 2008 16:10:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24370 Cette étude porte sur les termes et les circonstances dans lesquels le gouvernement canadien a construit et légitimé la politique de sécurité du Canada en Afghanistan de 2001 à 2007. Par la mobilisation des grilles analytiques des approches théoriques postmoderne et constructiviste critique aux Relations internationales, l’auteur identifie et décrit un processus de renouvellement de l’internationalisme canadien dans le sens d’une politique étrangère davantage interventionniste, fondée sur une redéfinition des notions de souveraineté et de territorialité, ainsi que sur un rapport problématique entre militarisme et développementalisme. (date de publication = septembre 2008) SOURCE: Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Centre d'études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité Wed, 14 May 2008 15:18:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24366 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24366 Michael Young, a political analyst in Beirut, says Hezbollah’s efforts to impose its will in Lebanon have led to “a prolonged crisis that is a reflection of the cold war in the region” between Iran and the United States and their respective allies. He worries that Hezbollah’s latest efforts to show off its military power may spawn genuine hatred between Shiites and Sunnis in Lebanon. “Things could get a lot worse before they get better,” he says. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Wed, 14 May 2008 14:01:54 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24364 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24364 Comprehensive stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan are not possible given the current fragmentation of responsibilities, narrow lines of authorities, and archaic funding mechanisms. Afghans are supportive of U.S. and international efforts, and there are occasional signs of progress, but the insurgent threat grows as U.S. military and civilian agencies and the international community struggle to bring stability to this volatile region. Integrated security, stabilization, and reconstruction activities must be implemented quickly and efficiently if failure is to be averted. Much more than a course correction is needed to provide tangible benefits to the population, develop effective leadership capacity in the government, and invest wisely in reconstruction that leads to sustainable economic growth. A proactive, comprehensive reconstruction and stabilization plan for Afghanistan is crucial to counter the regional terrorist insurgency, much as the Marshall Plan was necessary to combat the communist threat from the Soviet Union.1 This paper examines the health sector as a microcosm of the larger problems facing the United States and its allies in efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. SOURCE: Center for Technology and National Security Policy // National Defense University Center for Technology and National Security Policy // National Defense University Wed, 14 May 2008 12:39:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24353 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24353 In late 2006, the European Union awarded Oxford Research Group, the Middle East Policy Initiative Forum (MEPIF) and Conflicts Forum €500,000 over two years under its Partnerships for Peace programme. This project is designed to help develop more inclusive and legitimate approaches to transforming the Middle East conflict. The landscape of conflict and security is shifting across the Middle East. This project aims to support a new, inclusive approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict by opening new space for consultations among legitimate yet opposed stakeholders through civil society-brokered dialogue, analysis and engagement. The goal is to explore accommodations grounded in real support in the societies. The action will engage rooted elements of Palestinian and Israeli societies and stakeholders from the wider region, including faith-based movements. SOURCE: Oxford Research Group Oxford Research Group Wed, 14 May 2008 12:22:22 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24350 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24350 Le risque d’une reprise des violences en Ituri est aujourd’hui limité du fait de la présence de la Mission des Nations unies (MONUC), du démantèlement de la plu­part des groupes armés et de la lassitude de la popu­la­tion après des années de souffrance et de destructions. Cependant, les problèmes de fond à l’origine des violences extrêmes qu’a connu le district pendant la guerre – un accès équitable à la terre et une gestion transparente des revenus issus de l’exploitation des ressources naturelles et minières – restent entiers. L’absence de réconciliation intercommunautaire et l’impunité pour la grande majorité des crimes commis pendant la guerre sont également extrêmement inquié­tants en perspective d’élections locales en 2009. Afin d’éviter toute reprise de la violence, dont les femmes seraient les premières à souffrir, les éléments fonda­men­taux d’une paix durable doivent être urgemment mis en place dans le cadre d’une stratégie intégrée impliquant les institutions nationales et provinciales avec le soutien actif de la MONUC et des bailleurs de fonds du Congo. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Wed, 14 May 2008 11:52:53 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24342 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24342 The imperatives of peace and justice are often juxtaposed, as if they pose a choice between two mutually exclusive options. As the ICTJ increasingly works in contexts with varying degrees of conflict or transition, we are sometimes confronted by the notion that justice must either wait or be sacrificed entirely for peace. The Center’s work has affirmed that both peace and justice may be pursued simultaneously, including in countries where a transition may not have occurred yet or where conditions remain precarious (continued below). SOURCE: International Center for Transitional Justice International Center for Transitional Justice Wed, 14 May 2008 11:48:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24341 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24341 The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 1769 (2007), by which the Council requested me to report every 30 days on the status of financial, logistical and administrative arrangements for the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) and on the extent of progress by UNAMID towards full operational capability. The report covers significant developments during the month of April 2008, including the security and humanitarian situation in Darfur. It also provides an update on the Darfur political process. SOURCE: United Nations Secretary General Report United Nations Secretary General Report Wed, 14 May 2008 10:25:02 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24332 Ce document porte sur le conflit des Grands Lacs en Afrique, qui a donné naissance au génocide rwandais en 1994 avant d'aboutir à l'affrontement de sept pays sur le même sol de la république démocratique du congo. Ces nombreux affrontements de plus de quarante ans qui ont opposé les hutu et les tutsi ont coûté beaucoup à l'Afrique, particulièrement sur le plan économique. Il a fallu attendre les années 2004 pour qu'un espoir de paix se fasse jour ; une paix à laquelle la communauté internationale veut apporter un timide soutien. Le portail propose également une rubrique "Repères", ainsi qu'une carte géographique du continent africain. Table des matières : Introduction I- Un conflit ancien 1.Hutu et Tutsi : 40 ans d'affrontements 2.Le génocide rwandais de 1994 3.Le premier conflit du Zaïre 1996-1997 II- La régionalisation du conflit 1998-2003 1.Sept pays en guerre sur le sol de la Rép. dém. du Congo (RDC) 2.Un conflit meurtrier 3.Le pillage des ressources naturelles III- La RDC entre paix et guerre depuis 2003 1.La transition démocratique 2.Persistance des violences SOURCE: La Documentation française, Paris, France La Documentation française, Paris, France Tue, 13 May 2008 12:33:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24326 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24326 The risk of renewed violence in Ituri is limited today by the presence of the UN Mission in the Congo (MONUC), the dismantling of the majority of armed groups and the local population’s war weariness after years of suffering and destruction. To ensure lasting stabilisation, however, it is essential to tackle simultaneously the conflict’s root causes and abandon purely reactive or short-term approaches. Those root causes persist, including unequal access to land and unfair sharing of revenues from exploitation of natural resources. As local elections in 2009 approach, the absence of inter-community reconciliation and persistence of impunity for the majority of crimes committed during the war are also extremely worrying. To prevent new violence, which would affect women particularly, an integrated peacebuilding strategy has to be implemented, involving national and provincial institutions and with the active support of MONUC and donors. SOURCE: International Crisis Group International Crisis Group Tue, 13 May 2008 11:56:38 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24323 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24323 The armed conflict and humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan has become a rallying cry for Western civil society, and is held to represent the worst series of ongoing human rights violations in the world today.Yet try as it might, the international community has not been able to stall the bloodshed, nor has the government in Khartoum shown great interest in pacifying the restive region. On Wednesday April 9, FRIDE held a closed seminar on international organisations’ response to the Darfur crisis. It is generally accepted that the outcome of the missions (UNAMID and EUFOR) in the region is highly unpredictable, and that the UN, the European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) are facing one of the largest humanitarian crises of the 21st century, testing the credibility and reputation of all three organisations. SOURCE: Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior Mon, 12 May 2008 15:16:55 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24313 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24313 This article contends that the William Clinton and George W. Bush administrations experienced similar transformations in their respective policies towards UN peace operations and nation-building. Although they began from nearly opposite perspectives, both came to remarkably similar conclusions about the value of peace operations, UN-led or otherwise, as tools for US foreign policy. Initial positions, driven in part by ideological concerns, gave way to more pragmatism about how the United States would support UN peace operations, reinforced by experiences with Congress and at the UN. A defining feature of this pragmatism was a deep reluctance to contribute significant numbers of troops to UN-commanded operations, even as both administrations supported increases in the number and scale of UN missions. SOURCE: The Henry L Stimson Center The Henry L Stimson Center Mon, 12 May 2008 14:54:24 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24310 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24310 On January 8, 2007, Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed set foot in the capital city of Mogadishu for the first time since taking office in 2004. His arrival symbolized a victory by Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) over the Islamic Courts, a group of fundamentalist Islamic militias that had grown so powerful over the preceding year that they briefly controlled much of the country’s territory. Though international observers had hoped the TFG would bring stability to the war-torn nation after sixteen years of “failed state” status, by mid-2008 experts said the TFG was fraught by internal divisions. Meanwhile, the Islamists have made a strong comeback, with an increasingly radicalized extremist movement holding sway over more moderate factions of the Courts. SOURCE: Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Mon, 12 May 2008 13:43:41 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24305 In February 2006, Ugandans voted in the first multi-party elections in almost 26 years. President Yoweri Museveni and his ruling National Revolutionary Movement (NRM) parliamentary candidates won a decisive victory over opposition candidate Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democracy Coalition. Nevertheless, poll results showed a notable decline in support for President Museveni from previous elections. International election observers did not condemn the election results, nor did they fully endorse the electoral process. Critics charged the government with intimidating the opposition during the pre-election period, and Besigye spent much of the campaign period in jail. The election followed a controversial move by the Ugandan parliament in July 2005 to remove the constitutional two-term limit on the presidency. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 13:03:42 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24298 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24298 Why do peacekeeping agencies, such as the United Nations, pursue certain strategies and not others? Most accounts suggest that peacekeeping mandates reflect the interests of major parties, along with perceptions of how effectively certain strategies will accomplish the goals of peacekeeping. This article argues that another factor — the international normative environment, sometimes called ‘global culture’ — also shapes the design of peacekeeping operations in fundamental ways. Peacekeeping agencies seem predisposed to adopt strategies that conform with global culture, and to reject strategies that they view as normatively inappropriate, even if the rejected strategies are potentially more likely to accomplish the goals of peacekeeping. Changes in the international norms have been accompanied by corresponding shifts in peacekeeping policy; and UN officials have summarily rejected certain proposals for more effective peacekeeping, including the idea of establishing a new trusteeship system, on largely normative grounds. These observations suggest that global culture limits the range of possible policies that peacekeepers can realistically pursue. SOURCE: University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland Mon, 12 May 2008 13:01:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24297 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24297 The United Nations and other international agencies conducted three major post-conflict peacebuilding operations in central America in the 1990s: in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. Like the many other international peacebuilding missions that were deployed during the 1990s, the operations in Central America aimed to assist local actors in the implementation of peace settlements after civil wars, and more generally to create the conditions for what UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has called a 'stable and lasting peace,' or a peace that is likely to endure for the foreseeable future. Peacebuilding, in other words, is more than merely the supervision of ceasefires among former combatants. According to both Annan and his predecessor, Boutros Boutros Ghali, the overarching goal of peacebuilding is to eliminate the underlying sources of conflict in a war-shattered state, in order to reduce the likelihood of renewed violence. SOURCE: University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland Mon, 12 May 2008 12:59:34 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24296 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24296 International peacebuilding operations seek to stabilise countries that have recently experienced civil wars. In pursuing this goal, however, international peacebuilders have promulgated a particular vision of how states should organise themselves internally, based on the principles of liberal democracy and market-oriented economics. By reconstructing warshattered states in accordance with this vision, peacebuilders have effectively ‘transmitted’ standards of appropriate behaviour from the Western-liberal core of the international system to the failed states of the periphery. From this perspective, peacebuilding resembles an updated (and more benign) version of the mission civilisatrice, or the colonial-era belief that the European imperial powers had a duty to ‘civilise’ dependent populations and territories. SOURCE: University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland University of Ottawa // Paris, Roland Mon, 12 May 2008 12:40:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24290 Kenya, a nation of about 36.9 million people, has been an important ally of the United States for decades. Kenya moved from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy in 1992. Kenyans voted in record numbers in the country’s first multiparty election in almost 26 years. President Daniel arap Moi defeated opposition candidates by a small margin. In 1997, Kenya held its second multi-party elections, at the height of tensions between the opposition and the ruling party. President Moi was re-elected with 40% of the votes cast, while his nearest rival, Mwai Kibaki, won 31%. In the 2002 presidential and parliamentary elections, the opposition National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) defeated the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU). In the presidential election, NARC leader Kibaki defeated Uhuru Kenyatta, the leader of KANU. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:39:17 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24289 Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa, has been ravaged by civil war intermittently for four decades. More than 2 million people have died in Southern Sudan over the past two decades due to war-related causes and famine, and millions have been displaced from their homes. There were many failed attempts to end the civil war in southern Sudan, including efforts by Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia, former President Jimmy Carter, and the United States. In July 2002, the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) signed a peace framework agreement in Kenya. On May 26, 2004, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed three protocols on Power Sharing, on the Nuba Mountains and southern Blue Nile, and on the long disputed Abyei area. The signing of these protocols resolved all outstanding issues between the parties. On June 5, 2004, the parties signed “the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan.” On January 9, 2005, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the final peace agreement at a ceremony held in Nairobi, Kenya. SOURCE: Congressional Research Service Congressional Research Service Mon, 12 May 2008 12:31:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24287 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24287 Despite a peace agreement being reached - and the largest UN peace-keeping mission in attendance - eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is still racked by violence. For the eastern (Kivu) region is home to a plethora of militias who continue to use violence in order to propagate ‘criminal’ economic-related activities; to protect their communities – reinforced by strong ethnic allegiance; and to exploit the post-transition political climate in order to resist the demilitarisation process. Link such insecurity with government DRC forces who frequently loot, terrorise and abduct members of the local population and the effect on civilians is calamitous – they have to endure forced displacement, death, economic and physical insecurity and sexual violence. To address such chronic instability and violence, international bodies continually seek attempts at Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of the local militias in Kivu. This paper presents an overview of such attempts and seeks to explore methods and processes which can help effect DDR and address the endemic insecurity of the region. SOURCE: Institute for Security Studies // Eldis Community Institute for Security Studies // Eldis Community Mon, 12 May 2008 10:50:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24282 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24282 On 20 May, the Council will take up a new British initiative on securing peace in post-conflict situations, which was launched by Prime Minister Gordon Brown in the Security Council on 16 April 2008. The meeting will be chaired at the ministerial level by Foreign Secretary David Miliband, and it is expected that the Council will be addressed by a number of countries which have recently emerged from conflict. Moreover, in recognition of the fact that the issues raised in the UK initiative include aspects which are clearly within the province of other parts of the UN system, a briefing from the World Bank is also expected. At the time of writing, members were expecting to begin negotiations on a possible statement to be adopted by the Council. It was unclear whether this would be adopted at the debate or whether the debate would set up an ongoing process of discussion and negotiation. SOURCE: Security Council Report Security Council Report Fri, 09 May 2008 14:09:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24280 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24280 On November 19, 2001, the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) convened a roundtable discussion on “Rebuilding Afghanistan: Establishing Security and the Rule of Law.” Participants in the discussion included experts on Afghan law and legal traditions; practitioners and specialists on such issues as post-conflict administration of justice, civilian policing, institution- and capacity-building, technical legal assistance programs, the role of peacekeeping forces in the administration of justice, and the investigation and prosecution of terrorism; and members of the NGO and policy communities. The event was organized in recognition that the process of political transition, reconstruction and recovery in Afghanistan will involve enormous challenges for the people of Afghanistan and for the international community. SOURCE: United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace Fri, 09 May 2008 11:28:17 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24276 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24276 While the field of cross-cultural assessment and treatment of the psychosocial effects of conflictrelated trauma is gaining increasing attention in the scientific literature, there is still enormous room for research and the development of ‘best practices’ in the discipline. The Technical Advisory Group meeting of August 1-2, 2000 was hosted by World Vision, co-facilitated with Johns Hopkins University and sponsored by CERTI (Linking Complex Emergencies Response and Transition Initiative, a program sponsored by USAID and others). The meeting was called to provide technical feedback on recent research initiatives conducted in Rwanda, and to discuss the best ways forward. Participants in the meeting represented World Vision, Johns Hopkins University, Harvard University, Columbia University, Tulane University, Randolph-Macon College, Christian Children’s Fund, the Commission on Mental Health Services (based in Washington DC) and the American Red Cross. The diversity in backgrounds among participants ensured that the process benefited from a broad spectrum of approaches and expertise. SOURCE: United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative Fri, 09 May 2008 11:21:28 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24274 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24274 The background of the symposium relates to the need to address the formidable threats to human security posed by the twin crises of violent conflict and HIV/AIDS in Africa. The number, and nature of violent conflicts and related complex emergencies, coupled with the HIV/AIDS pandemic are now setting development in Africa back, and negating many of the gains achieved over the last 50 years. Half of all the conflicts going on in the world in 1999 were located in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), involving 2/3 of the countries in the region. Six high intensity conflicts (causing over a thousand deaths per year), were still raging in the region in late 2000. Africa is also the part of the globe that has been hardest hit by AIDS. Over 25 million people, or nearly 70% of the world’s infection by HIV/AIDS, and 90% of deaths from AIDS are to be found in a region that is home to just 10% of the world’s population2. The 3.8 million new HIV/AIDS cases reported from the Africa this year, is a reduction of approximately 200,000 in relation to the new cases reported in 1999. It is too early, however, to say if this is the start of a declining trend. SOURCE: United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative Fri, 09 May 2008 11:18:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24273 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24273 This policy brief is based on a research report of the same name, prepared under contract with Tulane University and funded by the USAID Bureau for Africa, Complex Emergency Response and Transition Initiative (CERTI). The CERTI project includes seven principal institutions plus a network of organizations seeking to establish broad-based consensus on best practices for providing public health services in advance of, during, and following complex humanitarian emergencies. The aim of this work is to strengthen the response capabilities of organizations involved in public health interventions during these critical periods. Because of its previous work on the subject, the GW Center for International Health (GWCIH) was mandated to conduct desk research and produce a technical report examining the concept and practice of "Health as a Bridge for Peace" (HBP) and how it could be translated into an approach to providing health inputs before, during, or after crises. SOURCE: United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative Fri, 09 May 2008 11:15:48 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24272 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24272 The last decade of the twentieth century witnessed a profound change in the nature of conflict around the world. Observers celebrated the declining number of inter-state conflicts, just as a proliferation of complicated intra-state disputes, conflicts and emergencies began to take hold. These situations have presented an altogether different class of crisis, and in case after case the international community has been unable to recognize, forestall or even mitigate the effects of a rapid collapse in human security. In this paper we revisit the idea of human security. We argue that a narrow focus on material resources has prevented analysts from identifying the true sources of vulnerability or resilience in a population, and we set out a conceptual approach which pays due attention to the psychological and social bases of community stability. In other words, we aim to engage the recurring question of what makes conflict more likely in one place rather than another by exploring the underlying conditions or factors that support constructive coping mechanisms in the face of threats or hazards. How was it that peace could ‘break out’ in Mozambique, a hotbed of insurgency and ideological confrontation, while in Rwanda, long viewed as a model of development, unmanageable violence lay so close beneath the surface of society? SOURCE: United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative United States Agency for International Development // Complex Emergency Response Transition Initiative Fri, 09 May 2008 10:30:10 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24265 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24265 The ongoing negotiations between Morocco and the Algeria-backed Polisario Front regarding the future status of the disputed Western Sahara territory have yet to demonstrate that a seemingly elusive settlement could be a realistic, if distant prospect. With Morocco on the one hand supporting autonomy for the territory within its international border, and Polisario on the other hand advocating the resumption of the stalled UN process leading to a self-determination referendum, the search for a common ground looks to be a near impossible task. Though autonomy in the abstract world (sometimes intersecting with Washington’s short attention span) seems a perfect fit for an international dispute pitting pro-independence and pro-annexation camps, in the volatile North African context, which sets the dispute in complex parameters, reconciling these two opposites seems a stretch. Yet, the debate about the virtues of each position is worth an exercise in clarifying what’s behind and what’s beyond such eloquent re-statements of interests and objectives. SOURCE: Middle East Institute Middle East Institute Thu, 08 May 2008 16:55:20 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24261 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24261 Ce document cherche à analyser le processus relatif aux crimes graves (Chambres spéciales et Groupe des graves crimes) établi par l’ONU au Timor-Leste pour le jugement des graves violations commises en 1999. Le mécanisme mis en place a achevé sa mission en mai 2005. Ce document présente une analyse générale de ses suites. Il fait partie d’une série destinée à documenter et analyser les questions pratiques et de politique auxquelles les tribunaux hybrides se trouvent confrontés. Il couvre ainsi : · un bref historique du conflit et de la nature des atrocités commises au Timor-Leste · le contexte de l’établissement des Chambres spéciales et du Groupe des crimes graves · l’analyse des Chambres spéciales · l’analyse du Groupe des crimes graves · la juridiction et le cadre juridique · les capacités de la défense et les questions d’équité · les questions d’efficacité et de financement · la portée et les perceptions du public · la propriété nationale et le soutien politique · le rapport avec la Commission Réception, Vérité et Réconciliation · les questions de legs · la stratégie d’accomplissement et l’avenir du processus relatif aux crimes graves Cette étude de cas vise à apporter une information générale, encore peu disponible à certains égards, sur ces différents points dans le but de guider les décideurs politiques et autres intéressés dans l’établissement et la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes comparables. Des études de cas similaires ont été réalisées sur le Kosovo et la Sierra Leone. SOURCE: Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Thu, 08 May 2008 16:52:14 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24260 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24260 Cette étude de cas cherche à produire une description générale et une analyse des politiques relatives au déploiement de juges et de procureurs internationaux au Kosovo, dans le cadre d’un programme établi sous la Mission des Nations Unies au Kosovo (MINUK) en 1999. Elle fait partie d’une série destinée à documenter et analyser les questions pratiques et de politique auxquelles les tribunaux hybrides se trouvent confrontés. Au Kosovo, les tribunaux hybrides ont été établis lors de l’introduction d’une capacité internationale dans le système juridique national. Les leçons à tirer de l’expérience touchent aux domaines suivants : · Bref historique du conflit au Kosovo · Contexte de l’établissement du programme de juges et procureurs internationaux (JPI) · Description du programme JPI · Stratégie de poursuite et sélection des cas · Cadre juridique · Administration juridictionnelle et protection des témoins · Coûts et efficacité · Relation avec le Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie et les autres mécanismes de justice transitionnelle · Portée, perceptions du public et propriété · Stratégie de sortie et legs Cette étude vise à apporter une information générale, encore peu disponible à certains égards, sur ces différents points dans le but de guider les décideurs politiques et autres intéressés dans l’établissement et la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes comparables. Des études de cas similaires ont été réalisées sur la Sierra Leone et le Timor-Leste. SOURCE: Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Thu, 08 May 2008 16:46:07 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24259 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24259 Le Tribunal spécial pour la Sierra Leone (TSSL) a été établi par un accord entre le gouvernement sierra-léonais et l’ONU en janvier 2002. Cette étude de cas cherche à produire une description générale et une analyse des politiques relatives à ce tribunal. Elle fait partie d’une série destinée à documenter et analyser les questions pratiques et de politique auxquelles les tribunaux hybrides se trouvent confrontés. Elle couvre ainsi : · un bref historique du conflit et de la nature des atrocités comprises en Sierra Leone · le contexte de l’établissement du TSSL · le cadre juridique et la jurisprudence de la cour · une description des chambres, du parquet et du greffe · la défense et les questions d’équité · la discrétion du parquet · les questions d’efficacité et de financement · la coopération de l’État · la portée et les perceptions publiques à l’égard du tribunal · le potentiel de legs · le TSSL et la Commission vérité et réconciliation Cette étude de cas vise à apporter une information générale, encore peu disponible à certains égards, dans le but de guider les décideurs politiques et autres intéressés dans l’établissement et la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes comparables. Des études de cas similaires ont été réalisées sur le Kosovo et le Timor-Leste. SOURCE: Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Centre International pour la Justice Transitionnelle Thu, 08 May 2008 16:13:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24254 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24254 La réintégration est le processus personnel au cours duquel les ex-combattants quittent leurs unités de combat pour rejoindre et être acceptés par les groupes sociaux civils, comme les familles ou les communautés. Le processus peut être complexe et profondément personnel, suivant un calendrier individuel et opérant à différents niveaux sociaux, économiques et psychologiques. Il a été démontré que lʼappui à la réintégration des ex-combattants constitue un élément crucial du processus de désarmement, démobilisation et réintégration (DDR) et contribue à la réussite de la transition vers la paix. SOURCE: Programme multi-pays de démobilisation et de réintégration Programme multi-pays de démobilisation et de réintégration Thu, 08 May 2008 16:02:12 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24253 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24253 Le Programme multi-pays de démobilisation et de réintégration (MDRP) est une initiative, menée par plusieurs organismes, qui apporte un appui à la démobilisation et la réintégration des ex-combattants dans la Région élargie des Grands Lacs, en Afrique Centrale. Le MDRP est le programme le plus important de cette nature dans le monde et l'on estime qu'il vise actuellement à atteindre 450.000 ex-combattants dans sept pays : l'Angola, le Burundi, l'Ouganda, la République centrafricaine, la République Démocratique du Congo, la République du Congo et le Rwanda. SOURCE: Programme multi-pays de démobilisation et de réintégration Programme multi-pays de démobilisation et de réintégration Thu, 08 May 2008 15:12:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24251 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24251 Recommandations d'aupres une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 15:08:30 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24250 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24250 Premiere partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » ; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 15:00:31 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24248 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24248 Troisième partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction ; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 14:58:18 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24247 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24247 Deuxième partie d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Introduction; Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES »; Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 14:52:03 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24245 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24245 L'introduction d'une série de trois documents de travail qui entend aider les membres du CCCI, et les milieux universitaires et de réflexion sur les politiques, à bien examiner le cadre des " États non viables ". À voir aussi: Partie 1 de 3: LES DÉFAILLANCES DU CADRE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Partie 2 de 3: L’APPROCHE PANGOUVERNEMENTALE FACE AUX « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Partie 3 de 3: LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE ET LA POLITIQUE DES « ÉTATS FRAGILES » Recommandations SOURCE: Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Conseil canadien pour la coopération internationale Thu, 08 May 2008 12:38:59 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24242 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24242 Lord’s Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony’s failure to sign a peace deal in April drove a nail into the coffin of the Juba peace process—a process that is grinding to an unsuccessful end.[1] The talks have certainly contributed to northern Uganda’s current state of relative peace and created a mechanism to address tensions between the people in the North and the southern-dominated government in Kampala. But without real leverage and without a direct channel of negotiations to Kony himself, the LRA leader has exploited this last year of negotiations to stave off international pressure, collect food and money from the mediators and donors, and buy time to abduct, train, and equip new combatants. Another meeting with the LRA high command and the mediators set for May 10 looks like it will just be more of the same. SOURCE: ENOUGH Project ENOUGH Project Thu, 08 May 2008 12:15:05 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24241 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24241 Sudan’s 5th population census began on 22 April. National and international monitors monitored census enumeration in 25 States. SAF and SPLA lift restriction on UNMIS for 14 days to verify allegations of new troop reinforcements in Abyei. Meanwhile, all three migration corridors through Sector VI have now been covered by Dinka-Misseriya agreements. Volatility in the Three Areas forced suspension of north-south return movements, while the number of refugees repatriated from Uganda exceeded benchmarks. Blue Nile Assessment and Evaluation Commission toured the State to assess efforts by SPLM and NCP towards CPA implementation. SOURCE: United Nations Mission in Sudan United Nations Mission in Sudan Thu, 08 May 2008 12:08:04 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24240 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24240 Whether in the wake of internal conflict or foreign military intervention, the reconstruction of public institutions in failed and collapsed states has become a key priority of the international community. Unlike traditional peacekeeping operations, which focus on preventing a resumption of hostilities, state reconstruction focuses on restoring the state’s monopoly over the means of coercion. Other objectives include the reestablishment of political institutions (governments, ministries, local administration, national armies, police forces, judiciaries, etc.), the promotion of political participation (e.g., the holding of elections) and human rights, the provision of social services, and economic recovery. SOURCE: Englebert, Pierre // Tull, Dennis M Englebert, Pierre // Tull, Dennis M Thu, 08 May 2008 10:57:52 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24235 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24235 Five years after the U.S.-led coalition initiated its attack on al Qaeda training camps and the Taliban government in Afghanistan, peace is yet to be won. The rapid collapse of the Taliban regime created a security vacuum in vast parts of the country that was soon filled by local warlords and mid-level commanders. The lack of international military presence in the periphery, especially in the South, provided a safe haven for the retreating Taliban to rebuild and expand their power base. In May of 2007, the International Security Assistance Force, led by NATO, took over coordination of international activities in Afghanistan. Transitional power sharing and coordination, along with the tactical, logistical, and managerial necessities of the mission, introduced novel challenges. In addition to these organizational shifts, International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) forces have been continually challenged by the Taliban-led insurgency in southern and eastern Afghanistan, illicit opium production, undeveloped security structures, lack of political control in the provinces, and large-scale corruption within governmental institutions. SOURCE: RAND Corporation RAND Corporation Wed, 07 May 2008 16:48:35 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24230 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24230 L’arrestation, au Tchad, des membres de l’association L’Arche de Zoé en 2007 a soudainement attiré l’attention sur une région d’Afrique où la France reste très influente. En vertu d’accords militaires avec N’Djamena et Bangui (République centrafricaine, RCA), Paris maintient une présence militaire de plus en plus contestée par les oppositions locales. En proie à des conflits armés internes, le Tchad et la RCA subissent en outre les conséquences de la crise du Darfour. Les forces de paix internationales en cours de déploiement font essentiellement appel à la France. Mais la difficile mise en place de la mission européenne Eufor révèle des divergences entre Paris et ses partenaires. SOURCE: Le Monde Diplomatique Le Monde Diplomatique Wed, 07 May 2008 15:41:11 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24228 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24228 LA XXXe Conférence internationale de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge a adopté entre autres une résolution qui appelle les États à renforcer la protection des civils contre l’utilisation et les effets indiscriminés des armes et munitions, en insistant sur la nécessité de réduire l’impact, sur le plan humanitaire, des restes explosifs de guerre et des armes à dispersion. Parallèlement aux initiatives en matière juridique, le Mouvement s’efforce aussi dans ses opérations de limiter les effets de la contamination par les armes. SOURCE: Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Comité International de la Croix-Rouge Wed, 07 May 2008 15:35:51 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24226 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24226 The Iraq War is an extremely complex conflict, and one where the overall trends and developments are difficult to track with any clarity. The Burke Chair has developed a detailed briefing on key developments in the fighting, drawing on material provided by the Multinational Force- Iraq (MNF-I), the Department of Defense, Department of State, Iraqi government, and other sources. The briefing surveys sectarian and ethnic trends, progress in political accommodation, developments in the fighting, and trends in casualties. Maps show the steady decline in Al Qa’ida capabilities since mid-2007, but also the broader problems in sectarian and ethnic tensions and conflicts. Breakouts are provided on the trends in the fighting in Anbar and Baghdad. Polling data developed by ABC shows how Iraqis view these issues by sect and ethnicity. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 07 May 2008 15:33:32 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24225 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24225 The Iraq War is an extremely complex conflict, and one where the overall trends and developments are difficult to track with any clarity. The Burke Chair has developed a detailed briefing on key developments in the fighting, drawing on material provided by the Multinational Force- Iraq (MNF-I), the Department of Defense, Department of State, Iraqi government, and other sources. The briefing surveys sectarian and ethnic trends, progress in political accommodation, developments in the fighting, and trends in casualties. Maps show the steady decline in Al Qa’ida capabilities since mid-2007, but also the broader problems in sectarian and ethnic tensions and conflicts. Breakouts are provided on the trends in the fighting in Anbar and Baghdad. Polling data developed by ABC shows how Iraqis view these issues by sect and ethnicity. SOURCE: Center for Strategic and International Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies Wed, 07 May 2008 13:02:16 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24215 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24215 Convinced that only a productive and stable economic base will bring peace and prosperity to Afghanistan, in 2005 Chayes and a group of Kandaharis decided to focus their energies on a business concept that adds value to local fruit crops and taps into the growing international market for natural products. They founded the cooperative “Arghand”, which now includes seven women and five men and produces soaps and essential oils for export made from the region’s legendary pomegranates, almonds, apricots and its celebrated roses and wild herbs. Arghand has succeeded in developing locally run production processes and a small network of markets abroad, though the effort is still in early stages and insecurity and the ongoing conflict in Kandahar province leaves its future uncertain. (For information on the Arghand Cooperative in Kandahar, including monthly ‘notes from the field’ by Sarah Chayes see: http://www.arghand.org/). Chayes has lately been calling Arghand “a soap factory in a shooting gallery” because of the deteriorating security situation in Kandahar, described in more detail below. SOURCE: The Peacebuilding, Development and Security Program // University of Calgary The Peacebuilding, Development and Security Program // University of Calgary Wed, 07 May 2008 12:30:36 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24214 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24214 At the end of 2002, whilst Congolese civilians, especially in the province of Ituri, continued to be subjected to grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the course of attacks by rebel groups and the Congolese army, the parties to the conflict met in Pretoria (South Africa) to negotiate the “Global and Inclusive Agreement” (Pretoria Agreement). The Pretoria Agreement, adopted on 17 December 2002, was intended to pave the way to a period of “democratic transition”, based on the following components: adoption of a ceasefire; creation of a unified national army; ending the intervention of foreign forces on Congolese territory; respect for human rights; and the organisation of free and democratic elections. SOURCE: International Federation of Human Rights International Federation of Human Rights Wed, 07 May 2008 10:03:29 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24182 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24182 Les Battlegroups, appelés les « Groupements tactiques 1500 » (GT 1500) sont nés de l’opération Artémis. En effet, suite à l’accord franco-britannique de Saint-Malo conclu en 1998, est apparue la nécessité pour l’Union européenne de « disposer d’une capacité d’action autonome soutenue par des forces militaires crédibles ». Le Sommet européen d’Helsinki a défini en 1999 l’Objectif global 2003 qui vise à permettre à l’Union de disposer d’une capacité de réaction permettant le déploiement de 50 000 à 60 000 hommes dans un délai de soixante jours. Mais lorsqu’en 2003 Kofi Annan s’adresse à l’Union européenne au sujet du problème congolais, elle fait appel à un contingent beaucoup plus modeste. Le concept adopté permet à l’Union européenne de disposer, à tout moment, d’une force de réaction rapide de l’ordre de 1 500 hommes et qui peut être déployée en dix jours sur un théâtre d’opérations extérieur. SOURCE: Groupe d'Étude et de Recherches sur la Sécurité Internationale Groupe d'Étude et de Recherches sur la Sécurité Internationale Wed, 07 May 2008 09:34:44 -0700 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24178 http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/showRecord.php?RecordId=24178 « Que les Américains s’en aillent ou qu’ils demeurent », signait Patrice Claude dans Le Monde du 19 mars 2008, « la stabilisation de la vieille Mésopotamie n’est pas pour demain. » Le contexte international s’est largement détérioré au cours des dernières années, particulièrement entre la Russie et les États-Unis, notamment à cause de la volonté américaine d’installer 10 intercepteurs antimissiles en Pologne et un radar à pulsions phasées en République tchèque, d’étendre la couverture de l’OTAN à l’Ukraine et à la Georgie, sans parler du soutien des pays occidentaux à l’indépendance du Kosovo. De son côté, le président Bush continue de soutenir contre vents et marées la candidature de l’Ukraine à l’OTAN, « le seul pays non membre de l’OTAN », souligne-t-il, « qui appuie chacune des missions de l’OTAN », que ce soit au Kosovo ou en Afghanistan. L’Allemagne, la France, l’Italie et d’autres pays européens vont sans doute mettre les bâtons dans les roues de ce projet de Washington ou du moins soulever suffisamment d’obstacles pour prévenir l’application du Plan d’adhésion de l’Ukraine à l’OTAN, d’ici la fin du mandat du président Bush. La question géorgienne est encore plus épineuse pour l’OTAN étant donné les conflits persistants de ce pays avec les régions séparatistes d’Abkhazie et de l’Ossétie du Sud. Pourtant, le sénateur McCain (Arizona) ne se préoccupe guère de ces questions puisqu’à ses yeux il faut exclure la Russie du G-8, élargir ce club sélect à l’Inde et au Brésil, et cesser de travailler avec une Russie revanchiste pour s’adjoindre une « Ligue des démocraties » sous leadership américain, comme alternative à l’ONU. Formule largement privilégiée dans le passé par les États-Unis – une coalition de volontaires –, il est donc difficile de savoir en quoi la nouveauté du sénateur McCain réside ici. SOURCE: Centre d’études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité, Université du Québec à Montréal Centre d’études des politiques étrangères et de sécurité, Université du Québec à Montréal