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Résumé: Since the fall of 2007, Pakistan has experienced some extraordinary scenes. It is difficult to remember now that President Musharraf’s 2007 clampdown was seen by many as a crisis for the country with no visible exit. Instead, powerful events--the return of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif from exile, Bhutto’s assassination, and her party’s victory in an election free of interference—transformed the political landscape and brought Musharraf’s departure after nine years in power.
By March of 2009, Pakistan seemed again to be in a crisis with no visible exit. The efforts of the North West Frontier Province’s government to strike a deal with the Pakistani Taliban—offering Shari’a courts in Swat in exchange for peace—was formally endorsed by Pakistan’s Parliament and President Zardari. The Pakistani Taliban’s further spread into areas near Islamabad brought extreme concern in Washington. Secretary of State Clinton spoke of the Pakistani government as “abdicating” from its duty to control its national territory. A short time later, though, the dynamic reversed. The army launched a major offensive against the Pakistani Taliban, and the approach of seeking deals with religious militant groups had apparently lost the political elite’s support.
How has the Pakistani public reacted to these extreme twists and turns in the country’s fortunes? This report focuses on Pakistanis’ attitudes toward the newest and most drastic changes in their national situation.
Résumé: Despite recent changes in US policy
towards the Islamic world, the latest
annual global listing of Peoples Under
Threat has seen the threat level rise further for communities
in Muslim countries affected by international
and civil conflicts.
Every year Minority Rights Group International
publishes Peoples Under Threat, identifying those
groups or peoples around the world most at risk of
genocide, mass killing or other systematic violent
repression. 2009 is the fourth year that MRG has
compiled the list, which is based on current indicators
from authoritative sources (see How is Peoples
Under Threat calculated?).
In the latest listing, published July 2009, minorities
in Pakistan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Yemen are
all assessed as under greater danger than a year ago,
their governments’ involvement in regional conflicts
compounding the risk of repression at home.
Pakistan joins states including Somalia, Iraq and
Afghanistan at the top of the list, as does Israel and
the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to
develop a better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and
opinions, and to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed
conflict and other situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in
2009, the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing
suffering of people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of
humanitarian action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a
difference and reduce suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement
with three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the
90th anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red
Crescent Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions).
In 1999, the ICRC undertook a similar survey entitled People on War, which serves as a
basis for comparison and as a means of highlighting trends in opinions 10 years on. Very few people in Afghanistan have been unaffected by the armed conflict there. Those
with direct personal experience make up 60% of the population, and most others also
report suffering a range of serious hardships. In total, almost everyone (96%) has been
affected in some way – either personally or due to the wider consequences of armed
conflict.
- Of those with direct experience, most have had to leave their homes (76%),
suffered serious property damage (66%), lost contact with a close relative (61%),
lost their means of income (60%) or seen the area where they lived come under
enemy control (56%)
- Of those without direct experience, most have nevertheless had to make do with
limited (or no) supplies of water/electricity (56%) or health care (59%)
However, there are some signs that the situation has marginally improved since 1999.
Fewer now report having their home looted (down from 51% to 33%), having to leave
their homes (down from 83% to 60%), or losing a family member (from 53% to 35%).
People’s fears include economic hardship (37%), ‘uncertainty’ (36%), displacement
(34%), losing a loved one (25%), losing property (22%), and losing contact with a loved
one (16%).
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions).
In 1999, the ICRC undertook a similar survey entitled People on War, which serves as a
basis for comparison and as a means of highlighting trends in opinions 10 years on. Around one third of people surveyed in Colombia have been affected in some way by armed
conflict there. Those with direct personal experience make up 10% of the population, and
many others also report suffering a range of serious hardships. In total 31% of respondents
have been affected in some way - either personally or due to the wider consequences of
armed conflict.
However, among those who have been personally affected, there are widespread problems:
- loss of income (38%), an immediate family member being killed (33%), being forced
to leave home/displacement (32%) and losing contact with a close relative (23%)
Among those with direct experience of armed conflict, one person in five (21%) says they
are currently being affected; among the ‘other’ consequences mentioned is the falling
standard of living (by most of those with direct experience: 57%).
People’s fears reflect their experiences. The majority fear losing a loved one (68%). Many
also worry about separation from loved ones (30%), displacement (30%), losing their
property (27%), and losing their means of income (24%).
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions). Few people surveyed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been unaffected
by armed conflict there. Those with direct personal experience make up 61% of the
population interviewed, and most others also report suffering a range of serious hardships.
In total, three quarters (76%) have been affected in some way - either personally or due to
the wider consequences of armed conflict. Of these people:
• Large numbers have been displaced (58%), lost contact with a close relative (47%),
had their property seriously damaged or looted (34% and 30%), or known someone
who has fallen victim to sexual violence (28%).
During times of armed conflict, people mainly fear losing a loved one (54%), economic
hardship (40%), sexual violence (36%) – and simply ‘living with uncertainty’ (26%).
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions).
In 1999, the ICRC undertook a similar survey entitled People on War, which serves as a
basis for comparison and as a means of highlighting trends in opinions 10 years on.
In Georgia, 300 interviews were conducted with Georgians from a range of areas (excluding
Abkhazia and South Ossetia), referred to as ‘the resident population' in this report.
A further 200 interviews were conducted with internally displaced persons (IDPs) displaced
from either Abkhazia or Shida Kartli (part of the disputed South Ossetia region - no interviews
were conducted in Abkhazia or Shida Kartli), referred to as 'IDPs' in this report.
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions). Most people surveyed in Haiti have been affected by armed violence there. Those with direct
personal experience make up 31% of the population interviewed, and most others also report
suffering a range of serious hardships. In total, almost everyone (98%) have been affected in
some way - either personally or due to the wider consequences of armed violence.
Among those with direct experience, 45% have been displaced, 44% know a victim of sexual
violence, and 37% have lost contact with a close relative. 17% have lost a close family
member.
Across the whole population, 33% have been displaced, 31% have lost contact with a close
relative, or know a victim of sexual violence. 18% have lost a close family member.
Restrictions on basic necessities and health care abound, as do economic problems – and
there are also hidden consequences: fear, anxiety, psychological and ‘moral’ problems.
People’s fears include economic hardship (41%), losing loved ones (20%), losing property
(18%) – or simply ‘living with uncertainty’ (37%). Sexual violence is also a common fear.
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions).
In 1999, the ICRC undertook a similar survey entitled People on War, which serves as a
basis for comparison and as a means of highlighting trends in opinions 10 years on. The majority of people in Lebanon have been affected by the armed conflict there. Those
with direct personal experience make up 75% of the population, and most others also report
suffering a range of serious hardships. In total, almost everyone (96%) has been affected in
some way – either personally or due to the wider consequences of armed conflict.
Of those with direct personal experience, for a fifth this has been within the past year. Usually
people say they had to leave their homes and live elsewhere (55%), they suffered serious
damage to their property (49%) or lost contact with a close relative (47%).
Lebanese people’s fears during times of armed conflict include losing a loved one (57%),
losing property (28%), suffering injury (27%), and losing one's livelihood (24%). Fewer people
(11%) fear restricted access to basic necessities.
Résumé: This research was undertaken in eight countries that are currently experiencing or have
experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. The aim was to develop a
better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and
to give a voice to those who have been adversely affected by armed conflict and other
situations of violence.
The eight country opinion surveys will be complemented by more in-depth research
(qualitative survey).
This research has been commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009,
the campaign's goal is to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of
people around the world. The intention is to emphasise the importance of humanitarian
action and to convince individuals that they have the ability to make a difference and reduce
suffering.
2009 is an important year for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement with
three significant anniversaries (the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Solferino, the 90th
anniversary of the founding of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, and the 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions). Very few people in Liberia have escaped unscathed by the 14 years of internal armed
conflict, and events are still very vivid in their minds. Fully 96% of respondents claim to have
personal experience of the events.
Of those with direct experience, a very high proportion were forced to leave their home
(90%), lost contact with a close relative (86%), had their home looted (83%), had food taken
away by combatants (76%) or had serious damage inflicted on their property (74%).
A high proportion of them had even more harrowing experiences – such as losing a family
member (69%), being humiliated (55%), being tortured (45%), or having somebody close to
them fall victim to sexual violence (51%).
Their greatest fears include displacement (37%), loss/destruction of property (35%), the
inability to earn a living (29%), the loss of a loved one (23%) and sexual violence (22%).
Résumé: Nine actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in June 2009, according to the new issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch, released today.
Widespread unrest broke out in Iran after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s landslide victory in the 12 June presidential election was widely denounced as fraudulent, sparking the largest mass protests in the country since 1979. Nationwide street rallies were met with an increasingly harsh security crackdown resulting in several deaths, and sporadic unrest continued throughout the month. Amid open splits in the ruling elite over endorsement of the results and the future of the Islamic republic, leading activists and opposition figures were arrested and defeated candidates placed under heavy surveillance.
In Thailand, inter-communal tensions and violence flared in the largely Malay Muslim South, with attacks and killings on an almost daily basis. Prime Minister Abhisit has promised to tackle the escalating insurgency through development rather than security measures and said the government is prepared to consider some form of special administrative structure in the South to better address the concerns of Malay Muslims as long as it is consistent with the core principle of a unitary Thai state.
The situation also deteriorated in Somalia, where fighting between a resurgent Islamist alliance and government forces left scores dead in clashes across south and central regions. At least 122,000 civilians have been displaced in Mogadishu alone since fighting escalated in early May. Somalia’s increasingly fragile government has since declared a state of emergency, and issued calls for external assistance to stem attacks.
In Honduras President Zelaya was ousted by a military coup sparked by his attempts to remove presidential term limits through a referendum. Fears for stability also increased in Niger, as President Tandja continued his damaging bid to extend his tenure by assuming wide-ranging emergency powers and dissolving the constitutional court. In Guinea-Bissau, several leading politicians were killed and arrested ahead of the 28 June presidential elections. The situation also deteriorated in North Caucasus, Georgia and Peru over June.
Résumé: On June 14, after the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) summit in Moscow formally created its new Collective Operational Reaction Forces (CORF), Russian President Dmitry Medvedev hailed this achievement as a "step toward creating a military force to be reckoned with, truly capable of responding to a variety of threats." During his press conference Medvedev said "certain discussions" were held with CSTO countries still to commit to this collective military force and that such delays were normal, since new structures cannot be formed "overnight."
Résumé: Militants in Dagestan today attacked the headquarters of the police in the city of Derbent, just south of the republic capital Makhachkala and near the border with Georgia, Russian and Western news agencies reported. According to the Associated Press, three policemen and a civilian died in the attack. The news agency quoted Dagestani interior ministry spokesman Mark Tolchinsky as saying that the attack came in two phases, with one officer killed and two others wounded when gunmen opened fire on the facility just after midnight, and another two officers killed and 12 police and bystanders wounded two hours later when a car parked outside exploded. AP quoted Tolchinsky as saying the driver of the car was found dead in the vehicle's trunk.
Interfax quoted a source in the Derbent police department as saying one policeman was killed and two wounded in the gun attack on the police headquarters and that 12 people were wounded in the subsequent car bomb blast outside. The source said the attackers had also shot and killed the car's driver when they stole the vehicle, after which they put his body in the trunk and stuffed the vehicle with explosives.
Résumé: The armed conflict in Chechnya has subsided and the capital, Grozny, has been
largely rebuilt. However, abuses such as torture, illegal detention, and extrajudicial executions persist (albeit on a smaller scale), and impunity for past and ongoing abuses is rampant. The perpetrators of ongoing violations are mainly law enforcement and security
personnel under the de facto control of the republic’s president, Ramzan Kadyrov. Although insurgent attacks in Chechnya are now distinctly less frequent than in the
neighboring North Caucasus republics of Ingushetia or Dagestan, they continue to occur
sporadically. The insurgency has a loose agenda to overthrow the government and create an
Islamic state in the Caucasus. Working toward those objectives, insurgents have been using
a variety of violent tactics, including killings and house-burnings, against members and
supporters of the pro-Moscow Chechen authorities: policemen, security personnel,
administration officials, and their family members. Human Rights Watch is aware of 25 cases of punitive house burning that can be attributed to
Chechen law enforcement personnel between June 2008 and March 2009 in seven districts
of Chechnya: ten in Kurchaloi, six in Shali, four in Vedeno, two in Naur, and one each in
Shatoi, Achkhoi-Martan, and Grozny districts. Also, just several days prior to the release of
this report Human Rights Watch learned of yet another, most recent case of house-burning.
On June 18, around 5 a.m., unidentified law enforcement servicemen reportedly burned two
homes belonging to elderly parents of an alleged insurgent in the village of Engel-Yurt, in the
Gudermes district. Thirteen episodes of punitive house-burning are documented in detail in this report. These
cases follow a strikingly similar pattern. They were generally perpetrated at night, with law
enforcement personnel—often masked—arriving in several cars, breaking into the yard, and
forcing the residents out of their house. The perpetrators would prevent residents from
approaching their home, treating them roughly and in some cases holding them at gunpoint.
Résumé: These assessments, compiled by the CSIS Transnational Threats Project, were drafted by members of the CSIS Trusted Information Network project on Southeast Asia (TIN-2). The Transnational Threats Project created and operated TIN-2 to examine extremism and transnational crime in Southeast Asia and the surrounding region. Comprising top specialists from the region and beyond, this network highlighted the immense expertise such a group could bring to bear on important national security priorities. Primary analysis and findings of the TIN-2 project were published in an April 2009 CSIS report, The Power of Outreach: Leveraging Expertise on Threats in Southeast Asia.Because the TIN-2 discussion questions focused on overarching thematic issues, the editors felt it was important to draw on the tremendous and varied knowledge of the TIN-2 team to create a regional threat assessment. To this end, the TIN members drafted a short paper on their respective areas of expertise.
The 16 assessments address terrorism and criminality in the Southeast Asia region as a whole as well as the individual countries of Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, and Australia. As the essays show, the situation is improving in some counties, while violence in on the upswing in others. The authors bring to bear direct experience with local terrorist threats, painting a concise and realistic picture. They pay particular attention to the role of local governments in fighting the threats, which have succeeded when they focus not on ideology or reframing the narrative but rather on reducing local grievances and encouraging and offering opportunities for mainstream Muslims. The lessons that can be drawn from these essays in effect recalibrate the debate on terrorism in Southeast Asia and, more generally, offer insights on strategy and tactics to countering local extremist threats.
Résumé: Speculation is rife that Islamic militants are once again active in the eastern mountains of Tajikistan.
No one in government will confirm media reports that the military units deployed in force in the region are hunting a warlord from the 1992-97 civil war known as Mullo Abdullo, who has allegedly spent the last few years with Taleban allies in Afghanistan and more recently Pakistan.
The official version is that police are conducting a major sweep to stop the trade in opium and its derivative heroin in the Rasht valley, which cuts through inaccessible mountains and was a stronghold of opposition support throughout the civil war.
According to interior ministry spokesman Mahmadullo Asadulloev, “The objective of this operation, which will continue until the end of November, is to tackle opium poppy cultivation and combat drug traffickers in the valley, 150 to 200 kilometers east of Dushanbe.”
Résumé: Somalia has had no functioning government since January 1991, when former President Siad Barre was ousted. Since that time, fighting between Somali warlords, government forces and various alliances of Islamist insurgents has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Somalis and the displacement of hundreds of thousands. One of the boldest attempts to turn a new page in Somalia and end a famine was the US Restore Hope intervention in 1992, which however, ended in failure in October 1993. In the north, the former British protectorate of Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in May 1991, and in 1998 the northeastern region of Puntland declared itself an autonomous state. Both regions have remained largely peaceful.
Résumé: This report reviews DRC livelihoods and protection
programme in northern and eastern Sri Lanka. The
objectives of the review were to: assess the overall relevance and impact of the
programme on protection and livelihoods from
2006 until mid-2008; and provide recommendations for the future
development of the programme, in particular how
to sharpen and strengthen the livelihoods
approach and livelihoods activities in
programmes.
The review was also part of DRC‟s global livelihoods
and protection initiative. The objective of this review
is to strengthen DRC‟s corporate learning and
understanding of how livelihood and protection
approaches can be combined and mutually reinforce
each other for the benefit of assisted people.
The methodology included a brief literature review,
interviews with conflict-affected communities
on their own responses to livelihoods
and protection risks as well as the effectiveness
of DRC‟s programmes, and interviews with DRC
staff and staff from other agencies (see Annex 1 for
the ToRs, Annex 2 for a description of the
methodology used and Annex 3 for a list of
interviewees).
On the suggestion of the DRC country team,
the review focused on the Danida-funded integrated
livelihood rehabilitation project, which is currently
being implemented in Trincomalee and Vavuniya.
These were considered two of the more stable
areas in the north. Interviews were also carried
out with the Jaffna team and the emergency
coordinator from Kilinochchi, to get an idea of
livelihoods and protection projects elsewhere in the
country.
Résumé: Taliban represent a present and clear danger to Pakistan. This is because, firstly, they seem to have finally lost faith in Pakistani commitment towards their cause and are not willing to accommodate any more its policy of running with the Talibani hare and hunting with the American hound. Pakistan’s continuing failure to either come out of the US-led ‘War on Terror’ or at least prevent drone attacks from its soil, has convinced the Taliban – Pakistani as well as, perhaps, Afghani ones – that whether under a military regime like that of Musharraf’s or under a civilian set-up like the present Zardari/Gilani one, Pakistan has no desire to give-up the American financial and military goodies for jehad. Jehad, they seem to have concluded, is an expendable commodity for the Pakistanis. It is no surprise that Mustafa Abu al-Yazid, alias Abu Saeed al-Masari, al-Qaeda Commander in Afghanistan has recently spoken of his hope that “Pakistan Army would be defeated (in Swat) and that would be its end everywhere.”
Secondly, Taliban, and the al-Qaeda, have a clear Islamist agenda, which is to introduce a strict Shariat-based order. It spares no quarters for such hybrid Pakistani ideas as ‘Islamic democracy’, exemplified by concepts like Nizam-e-Mustafa. They seem to have assessed that a large number of Pakistanis support their call for a strict Shariat-based Islamic order and that those who oppose it could be tamed. Therefore, they have begun to call their current conflict with the ‘oppressor Pakistani Army’ a ‘jehad’.
Résumé: The purpose of the Interpretive Guidance is to provide
recommendations concerning the interpretation of
international humanitarian law (IHL) as far as it relates to the
notion of direct participation in hostilities. Accordingly, the 10
recommendations made by the Interpretive Guidance, as
well as the accompanying commentary, do not endeavour
to change binding rules of customary or treaty IHL, but
reflect the ICRC's institutional position as to how existing
IHL should be interpreted in light of the circumstances
prevailing in contemporary armed conflicts.
The Interpretive Guidance draws on a variety of sources
including, first and foremost, the rules and principles of
customary and treaty IHL and, where necessary, the travaux
préparatoires of treaties, international jurisprudence, military
manuals, and standard works of legal doctrine. Additionally,
it draws on the wealth of materials produced in the course
of an expert process, jointly initiated by the ICRC and the
TMC Asser Institute with the aim of clarifying the notion of
direct participation in hostilities under IHL. Five informal
expert meetings were conducted from 2003 to 2008 in The
Hague and Geneva, each bringing together 40 to 50 legal
experts from academic, military, governmental, and nongovernmental
circles, all of whom participated in their private
capacity. The Interpretive Guidance consists of 10 recommendations,
each of which summarizes the ICRC's position on the
interpretation of IHL on a particular legal question, and a
commentary explaining the bases of each recommendation.
Throughout the text, particularly where major divergences
of opinion persisted among the experts, footnotes refer to
the passages of the expert meeting reports and background
documents where the relevant discussions were recorded.
The sections and recommendations of the Interpretive
Guidance are closely interrelated and can only be properly
understood if read as a whole. Likewise, the examples
offered throughout the Interpretive Guidance are not absolute
statements on the legal qualification of a particular situation
or conduct, but must be read in good faith, within the precise
context in which they are mentioned and in accordance with
generally recognized rules and principles of IHL. They can
only illustrate the principles based on which the relevant
distinctions ought to be made, but cannot replace a careful
assessment of the concrete circumstances prevailing at the
relevant time and place.
Résumé: The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is one of the few remaining governments whose army (Tatmadaw) continues to systematically recruit and use children in armed conflict. To date, the preliminary steps taken by the SPDC have had little direct impact on the situation and much greater efforts are needed if real progress on ending child recruitment and use is to be achieved. Some non-state armed groups in Myanmar have also failed to effectively halt recruitment and use of children as soldiers. However, children are recruited and used by the SPDC’s armed forces in far greater numbers; the Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 estimated that thousands of children were recruited by the Tatmadaw.
Due to access restrictions imposed on UN agencies by the SPDC, including in ceasefire areas, it is challenging for the UN to gather comprehensive information about violations against children. However, many reliable local and international NGOs with access to affected populations continue to document highly credible information on child recruitment and use, imprisonment of child soldiers and many other violations. There are no formal disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs that would ensure that all children currently in the ranks of the Tatmadaw are released and returned to their families and communities and there appears to be no genuine commitment to initiate or support such programs.
The conclusions issued by the United Nations Security Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict in July 2008 failed to condemn the SPDC for continuing to recruit and use child soldiers. As the Working Group prepares to consider Myanmar’s second periodic report under Security Council resolution 1612, we submit this briefing paper which provides supplementary information on child recruitment and offers recommendations for specific measures that must be taken now to end children’s involvement in armed conflict in Myanmar. We note with deep concern that the Secretary-General has found it difficult to ‘assess or verify the practical implementation’ of the SPDC’s commitments to follow up on the conclusions of the Working Group. In the absence of demonstrable progress in ending the recruitment and use of child soldiers by the SPDC and some non-state armed groups, the need for concrete action is urgent.
Résumé: In December 2005, the United Nations created a high-profile Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) to serve as a dedicated institutional mechanism to fill the gap in the international architecture for post-conflict response. As such the PBC was mandated to link the political, security and eco-nomic functions of the United Nations in conflict and post-conflict situations. This paper analyzes the PBC’s own integrated strategies for peace-building in Sierra Leone and Burundi, through cumulative performance reports and views of practitioners. In almost all previous and on-going peacekeep-ing and peacebuilding operations, the UN has been represented by the Department of Peace-keeping Operations, the United Nations Devel-opment Program, the Department of Political Affairs, as well as over thirty other UN agencies, funds and programs including international fi-nancial institutions and regional organizations. Outside the UN structures, several international development agencies created dedicated emer-gency or transitional units to deal with initial post-conflict situations. Like the World Bank, the Task Force of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization of the Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) prepared guidelines for ‘Development Coopera-tion in Conflict: Prevention and Post-Conflict Recovery’; the United Nations Development Pro-gram (UNDP) expanded the mandate of its Divi-sion of Emergency Response; the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) strengthened its Emer-gency Unit and prepared guidelines on armed conflict and children; and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) created an Office of Transitional Initiatives. The involvement of so many players with competing interests in peacebuilding missions means that the coordina-tion and integration of peacebuilding activities remains a serious challenge.
Résumé: Israeli forces killed hundreds of unarmed Palestinian civilians and destroyed thousands of homes in Gaza in attacks which breached the laws of war, Amnesty International concluded in a new report published on Thursday. Operation 'Cast Lead': 22 days of death and destruction, is the first comprehensive report to be published on the conflict, which took place earlier this year.
"Israel's failure to properly investigate its forces' conduct in Gaza, including war crimes, and its continuing refusal to cooperate with the UN international independent fact-finding mission headed by Richard Goldstone, is evidence of its intention to avoid public scrutiny and accountability," said Donatella Rovera, who headed a field research mission to Gaza and southern Israel during and after the conflict.
"The international community, led by the UN Security Council, must use all its leverage to ensure that Israel cooperates fully with the Goldstone inquiry, which now offers the best means to establish the truth."
The Amnesty International report documents Israel's use of battlefield weapons against a civilian population trapped in Gaza, with no means of escape and is based on evidence gathered by Amnesty International delegates, including a military expert, during field research in January and February.
The report shows that Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups fired hundreds of rockets into southern Israel, killing three Israeli civilians, injuring scores and driving thousands from their homes.
Résumé: On 16 April 2009 the Russian authorities declared an end to the counter-terrorism
operation in Chechnya. Yet serious human rights violations continue to be committed in
a climate of impunity in Chechnya and other parts of the North Caucasus, in particular in
Ingushetia, Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. The civilian population continues to live in
an atmosphere of lawlessness that engenders fear and insecurity. Armed opposition
groups in the region continue to mount attacks. Law enforcement officials conduct
counter-terrorism measures which, in many instances, entail serious human rights
violations. A legitimate aim – that of tackling violence by armed groups and bringing
stability to the North Caucasus – is still being pursued by means which violate
international human rights law.
Normalization in Chechnya, as in the North Caucasus as a whole, is not possible without
a complete end to human rights violations and full accountability for the grievous human
rights violations that have taken place. Without true respect for the rule of law from all
sides, and a genuine commitment to address the festering legacy of past abuses, without
the political will at all levels of government to prevent and punish a catalogue of serious
abuses, there can be no stability and security for the North Caucasus.
There has been an almost total failure of political will to uphold the rule of law and
address impunity for present and past abuses of human rights in the region. Those
responsible for abuses walk free while victims and their families have no redress through
the Russian judicial system.
Résumé: President Obama has said his Administration shares the goals of the previous Administration to
contain Iran’s strategic capabilities and regional influence, but the Obama Administration has
formulated approaches to achieve those goals that differ from those of its predecessor—in
particular through expanded direct diplomatic engagement with Iran. This effort has begun to be
put in practice with messages to the Iranian people by President Obama, and through a growing
number of invitations to and contact with Iranian diplomats at multilateral meetings, including
those on Iran’s nuclear program. The Administration also has de-emphasized policies that have
angered Iranian leaders including: ratcheting up international sanctions, efforts to promote
democracy in Iran, and the potential for U.S. military action. In May 2009, President Obama said
his Administration might renew the previous focus on sanctioning and pressuring Iran if, by the
end of 2009, Iran does not show signs of willingness to compromise. Bills in the 111th Congress,
such as H.R. 2194 and S. 908, would tighten U.S. sanctions on Iran by amending the Iran
Sanctions Act to penalize sales to Iran of gasoline.
Before Iran’s June 12, 2009, presidential elections, there was debate over whether the new
approaches would yield clear results. The U.S. strategy has been further complicated by the
allegations of a “stolen election” by the challengers to declared election winner, incumbent
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the large protests held to demand a new vote.
Administration officials say that U.S. goals have not been altered by the election and President
Obama, while criticizing Iran’s use of violence against protesters, has not announced any changes
in policy toward Iran. Congress has passed resolutions that express solidarity with the
demonstrators and condemn the regime’s repression of them.
Résumé: On 20 August 2009 millions of Afghans are expected to cast votes in an ostensibly democratic exercise which is expected not only to elect the future
president of the country but to demonstrate that only the people of Afghanistan
determine their collective destiny.
However, undemocratic forces that have constantly gained power and wealth over the
past several years seem to be hijacking the election process to ensure their future interests
and legitimize their grip on political and public institutions. These forces which include
former and current warlords, militia commanders and human rights abusers have money,
power and influence across the country which make them incomparably stronger than
the ordinary voters. Under the name of religion, ethnicity, and language and/or by the
power of their illicit wealth, armed cronies and terror these undemocratic forces have
increasingly acted as “president-makers”.
In return for their support in the elections some presidential candidates have increasingly
and rather alarmingly surrendered to their conditions which include but are not limited to
future power sharing.
